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Market Failure 315<br />

Mandeville had good reason to characterize The Fable of<br />

the Bees as “a rhapsody void of order or method.” Written<br />

over a period of 24 years, it began as a brief poem, “The<br />

Grumbling Hive: or, Knaves Turn’d Honest” (1705). In later<br />

years (beginning in 1714), Mandeville appended a number of<br />

essays, remarks, and dialogues to subsequent editions until<br />

what began as a poem of 433 lines came to fill two substantial<br />

volumes. This later material includes two important theoretical<br />

essays, “An Enquiry into the Origin of Moral Virtue”<br />

and “A Search into the Nature of Society.” Six dialogues that<br />

comprise the second volume are extended commentaries on<br />

the themes presented in “The Grumbling Hive.”<br />

“The Grumbling Hive” is an allegory extolling the social<br />

benefits of self-interested actions, such as avarice, greed,<br />

and other traditional vices. It is not always clear, however,<br />

what Mandeville is claiming when he notes that “private<br />

vices” produce “public benefits.” He depicts the hive as a<br />

limited monarchy in which the King’s power “was circumsrib’d<br />

by Laws.” In the “Moral” of the poem, Mandeville<br />

states:<br />

So Vice is beneficial found,<br />

When it’s by Justice lopt and bound<br />

This couplet suggests that Mandeville regarded as<br />

socially beneficial only those vices that do not violate the<br />

rules of justice. This interpretation was given by F. B. Kaye<br />

in his definitive edition of the Fable, which was published<br />

in 1924. Kaye writes:<br />

Vices are to be punished as soon as they grow into crimes,<br />

says Mandeville....[T]he real thesis of the book is not that<br />

all evil is a public benefit, but that a certain useful proportion<br />

of it (called vice) is such a benefit (and . . . is on that<br />

account not really felt to be evil, though still called vicious).<br />

This interpretation is somewhat problematic, however,<br />

because Mandeville also discusses the social benefits of<br />

unjust actions, such as theft and fraud, which provide<br />

employment for those in the criminal justice system, as<br />

well as for those artisans and laborers who are needed to<br />

replace goods that have been destroyed or stolen.<br />

The ambiguities in Mandeville’s poem (which also<br />

appear in his explanatory essays) partially account for the<br />

hostile reception the work later received even from those<br />

who sympathized with its defense of self-interest. For<br />

example, in The Theory of Moral Sentiments, Adam Smith<br />

notes that Mandeville’s arguments “in some respects bordered<br />

upon the truth” despite “how destructive this system<br />

may appear.”<br />

Although Kaye and other commentators have described<br />

Mandeville as an early proponent of free trade, he is more<br />

accurately described as a mercantilist inasmuch as he<br />

believed that a government should ensure a favorable<br />

balance of trade. Whatever his position on the issue of<br />

trade, however, it is generally accepted that Mandeville was<br />

an early sympathizer to the tenets of laissez-faire.<br />

One of Mandeville’s most influential arguments was his<br />

defense of “luxury,” which had been widely condemned for<br />

its supposedly enervating effects on social mores. Many of<br />

Mandeville’s comments about the economic benefits of<br />

luxury, as well as his criticism of this concept as being<br />

excessively vague, would later reappear in the writings of<br />

David Hume, Edward Gibbon, Adam Smith, and other liberal<br />

individualists.<br />

Less popular was Mandeville’s psychological egoism,<br />

that is, his claim that all actions, even those virtuous<br />

actions that appear altruistic or disinterested, are ultimately<br />

motivated by self-interest. It was largely owing to<br />

this thesis that Mandeville (like Thomas Hobbes before<br />

him) was widely condemned as an enemy of morality.<br />

Mandeville responded to these charges by claiming that<br />

he was observing human behavior as it really is, not prescribing<br />

how it should be.<br />

See also Capitalism; Civil Society; Ferguson, Adam; Natural<br />

Harmony of Interests; Republicanism, Classical; Smith, Adam<br />

Further Readings<br />

GHS<br />

Hundert, E. J. The Enlightenment’s Fable: Bernard Mandeville and<br />

the Discovery of Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University<br />

Press, 2005.<br />

Mandeville, Bernard, and E. J. Hundert. The Fable of the Bees: And<br />

Other Writings. New York: Hackett, 1997.<br />

Primer, I. Mandeville Studies: New Explorations in the Art and<br />

Thought of Dr. Bernard Mandeville. New York: Springer, 1975.<br />

MARKET FAILURE<br />

Market failure arguments lie at the root of a number of<br />

arguments supporting government intervention in the economy.<br />

A claim of market failure, by its nature, suggests some<br />

reason that voluntary, private institutions cannot produce<br />

valuable goods and services to the appropriate extent.<br />

These arguments fall into several categories, but most commonly<br />

center on the issues of public goods and externalities.<br />

Sometimes the phrase “collective action problems”<br />

serves as a more general rubric for what are perceived as<br />

failures of the market to deal with specific issues.<br />

There are two aspects to the problem of public goods. The<br />

first, “nonrivalry,” suggests that an additional person can consume<br />

a good without infringing on the consumption of others.<br />

For instance, if a movie theater is not full, another viewer can<br />

be admitted at little or no social cost. “Nonexcludability” suggests<br />

that it is hard to charge individuals for a particular good

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