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The Other Side of the Mountain: Mujahideen ... - Tribal Analysis Center

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subgroups, religious sects, locality-based groups and groups united by<br />

interests. 2 <strong>The</strong> Qawm, not Afghanistan, is <strong>the</strong> basic unit <strong>of</strong> social<br />

community and, outside <strong>the</strong> family, <strong>the</strong> most important focus on individual<br />

loyalty. Afghanistan has, at times, been characterized as a<br />

disunited land riven by blood feuds. <strong>The</strong> feuds center on family and<br />

Qawm. Yet, <strong>the</strong> leaders <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> various Qawm have resolved feuds and<br />

held <strong>the</strong> land toge<strong>the</strong>r. Village elders can put feuds on hold for a<br />

decade or longer and <strong>the</strong>n let <strong>the</strong>m resume once <strong>the</strong> agreed-on time has<br />

expired and <strong>the</strong> matter is still unresolved. Afghanistan's ancient roots<br />

and strong ties <strong>of</strong> kinship provide an anchor against progress, but also<br />

<strong>the</strong> means to cope when central authority has collapsed. Historically,<br />

<strong>the</strong> collapse <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> central government <strong>of</strong> Afghanistan or <strong>the</strong> destruction<br />

<strong>of</strong> its standing armies has never resulted in <strong>the</strong> defeat <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

nation by an invader. <strong>The</strong> people, relying on <strong>the</strong>ir decentralized political,<br />

economic and military potential, have always taken over <strong>the</strong><br />

resistance against <strong>the</strong> invaders. 3 This was <strong>the</strong> case during two wars<br />

with Great Britain in <strong>the</strong> 19th Century (1839-1842, 1878-1880). This<br />

happened again in <strong>the</strong> Soviet-Afghan War.<br />

<strong>The</strong> tactics <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Mujahideen</strong> reflected this lack <strong>of</strong> central cohesion.<br />

<strong>The</strong>ir tactics were not standard, but differed from valley to<br />

valley and tribe to tribe. No more than 15 percent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> guerrilla<br />

commanders were military pr<strong>of</strong>essionals . However, Afghanistan had<br />

a conscript army and virtually every 22-year-old male served his two<br />

year obligation. This provided a basic military education which eased<br />

cooperation between <strong>the</strong> various <strong>Mujahideen</strong> groups. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Mujahideen</strong><br />

were true volunteers—unpaid warriors who fought to protect<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir faith and community first and <strong>the</strong>ir nation next. As true volunteers,<br />

fighting for <strong>the</strong>ir Qawm and religion, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Mujahideen</strong> looked<br />

down on <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>essional soldier (asker) as a simple mercenary who<br />

was ei<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> victim <strong>of</strong> a press gang or too stupid to ply any o<strong>the</strong>r<br />

trade. 4 This disdain did not attach to <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>essional <strong>of</strong>ficer, who<br />

enjoyed a great deal <strong>of</strong> prestige.<br />

Afghanistan was not a guerrilla war ala Mao Tse Tung or Vo<br />

Nguyen Giap. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Mujahideen</strong> were not trying to force a new ideology<br />

and government on a land. Ra<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>the</strong>y fought to defend <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

Qawm and <strong>the</strong>ir religion against a hostile ideology, an a<strong>the</strong>istic value<br />

2 ibid,3.<br />

3 ibid,4.<br />

4 Oliver Roy, <strong>The</strong> Failure <strong>of</strong> Political Islam, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994,<br />

page 158-159.<br />

xiv

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