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PDF(2.7mb) - 國家政策研究基金會

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16 Taiwan Development Perspectives 2009<br />

support, President Chen tried his hands again on referendums.<br />

Professing his reelection in 2004 was due<br />

largely to a larger voter turnout in response to his call<br />

of two referendums, President Chen had his ruling party<br />

propose two more to be held alongside the legislative<br />

elections of January 12 and the presidential race on<br />

March 22.<br />

The one held first was on whether the Kuomintang<br />

should be liquidated. Voters were asked to decide<br />

whether special legislation was necessary to force the<br />

Kuomintang to return all assets it was alleged to have<br />

acquired illegally. The Kuomintang had come into possession<br />

of much property that belonged to the Japanese<br />

during their 50 years of colonial rule of Taiwan. Some<br />

of it was transferred by the Kuomintang government to<br />

the party’s ownership at greatly reduced prices. The<br />

Democratic Progressive Party wanted the Kuomintang<br />

to relinquish whatever asset it had so acquired. Fearful<br />

of the liquidation, the Kuomintang countered by proposing<br />

a referendum on whether to pass legislation to<br />

create a special counsel to investigate the president, the<br />

first family and top government officials suspected of<br />

corruption.<br />

Later, the Kuomintang called for a boycott of the<br />

two referendums, neither of which was adopted. But it<br />

was the misgovernment that got the rich richer and the<br />

poor poorer in Taiwan that led to a rout of the ruling<br />

party in the January 12 elections. The amendment to the<br />

Constitution in 2003 that halved the Legislative Yuan<br />

membership to 113 from 225 and introduced a new<br />

election system sealed the fate of the Democratic Progressive<br />

Party. Ironically, it was the ruling party that,<br />

with Lee Teng-hui’s support, had made that amendment<br />

pass the Legislative Yuan, the rationale being it would<br />

be easier for it to edge out, or at least closer to, the<br />

Kuomintang in a two-party system if the new legislative<br />

election formula were applied. The elections, as<br />

was predicted, ushered in a two-party system with all<br />

small parties washed out, but gave the Kuomintang a<br />

virtual three-fourths majority in the seventh Legislative<br />

Yuan, which opened after the Chinese New Year festival<br />

in 2008. The Democratic Progressive Party managed<br />

to keep only 27 seats in the legislature, one shy of<br />

a one fourth of the membership.<br />

Referendums<br />

The other referendum President Chen wanted to<br />

call was a very controversial one. He required the voters<br />

to support Taiwan’s admission to the United Nations<br />

under the name Taiwan. Though almost everyone in<br />

Taiwan knew it would never pass, Washington and Beijing<br />

were seriously concerned. The United States believed<br />

the referendum, if adopted, would change the<br />

status quo and held Chen responsible for trying to renege<br />

on his word not to call such a referendum. Warning<br />

after severe warning came from Washington and<br />

even Condoleezza Rice, U.S. secretary of state, had to<br />

come out to register official American opposition to<br />

President Chen’s UN bid. Practically all major world<br />

powers opposed the referendum as a move that might<br />

endanger peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait.<br />

Beijing, however, did not make any direct threat to<br />

Taiwan, which might help Frank Hsieh, the standard<br />

bearer of the ruling party, outpoll his Kuomintang rival<br />

Ma Ying-jeou. It was good enough for China to ask<br />

Rice to voice her opposition in Beijing to the Chen referendum.<br />

The Kuomintang, on the other hand, jumped on<br />

the UN bid bandwagon in the wrong conviction that<br />

Chen’s election gimmick would defeat Ma Ying-jeou<br />

who was entangled in what must be dubbed the “Accountgate.”<br />

The opposition party proposed a return to<br />

the United Nations as an agenda of its referendum. It<br />

wanted Taiwan to return as the Republic of China to the<br />

world body from which it was ousted in 1971. The<br />

proposal did not compromise the one China principle<br />

with a different interpretation, and as such, was not as<br />

controversial as the Chen plan, causing little concern<br />

abroad.<br />

However, just as it did in January, the Kuomintang<br />

had a second thought about its return to the UN referendum.<br />

In the end, it decided to call on voters to stay

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