PDF(2.7mb) - 國家政策研究基金會
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16 Taiwan Development Perspectives 2009<br />
support, President Chen tried his hands again on referendums.<br />
Professing his reelection in 2004 was due<br />
largely to a larger voter turnout in response to his call<br />
of two referendums, President Chen had his ruling party<br />
propose two more to be held alongside the legislative<br />
elections of January 12 and the presidential race on<br />
March 22.<br />
The one held first was on whether the Kuomintang<br />
should be liquidated. Voters were asked to decide<br />
whether special legislation was necessary to force the<br />
Kuomintang to return all assets it was alleged to have<br />
acquired illegally. The Kuomintang had come into possession<br />
of much property that belonged to the Japanese<br />
during their 50 years of colonial rule of Taiwan. Some<br />
of it was transferred by the Kuomintang government to<br />
the party’s ownership at greatly reduced prices. The<br />
Democratic Progressive Party wanted the Kuomintang<br />
to relinquish whatever asset it had so acquired. Fearful<br />
of the liquidation, the Kuomintang countered by proposing<br />
a referendum on whether to pass legislation to<br />
create a special counsel to investigate the president, the<br />
first family and top government officials suspected of<br />
corruption.<br />
Later, the Kuomintang called for a boycott of the<br />
two referendums, neither of which was adopted. But it<br />
was the misgovernment that got the rich richer and the<br />
poor poorer in Taiwan that led to a rout of the ruling<br />
party in the January 12 elections. The amendment to the<br />
Constitution in 2003 that halved the Legislative Yuan<br />
membership to 113 from 225 and introduced a new<br />
election system sealed the fate of the Democratic Progressive<br />
Party. Ironically, it was the ruling party that,<br />
with Lee Teng-hui’s support, had made that amendment<br />
pass the Legislative Yuan, the rationale being it would<br />
be easier for it to edge out, or at least closer to, the<br />
Kuomintang in a two-party system if the new legislative<br />
election formula were applied. The elections, as<br />
was predicted, ushered in a two-party system with all<br />
small parties washed out, but gave the Kuomintang a<br />
virtual three-fourths majority in the seventh Legislative<br />
Yuan, which opened after the Chinese New Year festival<br />
in 2008. The Democratic Progressive Party managed<br />
to keep only 27 seats in the legislature, one shy of<br />
a one fourth of the membership.<br />
Referendums<br />
The other referendum President Chen wanted to<br />
call was a very controversial one. He required the voters<br />
to support Taiwan’s admission to the United Nations<br />
under the name Taiwan. Though almost everyone in<br />
Taiwan knew it would never pass, Washington and Beijing<br />
were seriously concerned. The United States believed<br />
the referendum, if adopted, would change the<br />
status quo and held Chen responsible for trying to renege<br />
on his word not to call such a referendum. Warning<br />
after severe warning came from Washington and<br />
even Condoleezza Rice, U.S. secretary of state, had to<br />
come out to register official American opposition to<br />
President Chen’s UN bid. Practically all major world<br />
powers opposed the referendum as a move that might<br />
endanger peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait.<br />
Beijing, however, did not make any direct threat to<br />
Taiwan, which might help Frank Hsieh, the standard<br />
bearer of the ruling party, outpoll his Kuomintang rival<br />
Ma Ying-jeou. It was good enough for China to ask<br />
Rice to voice her opposition in Beijing to the Chen referendum.<br />
The Kuomintang, on the other hand, jumped on<br />
the UN bid bandwagon in the wrong conviction that<br />
Chen’s election gimmick would defeat Ma Ying-jeou<br />
who was entangled in what must be dubbed the “Accountgate.”<br />
The opposition party proposed a return to<br />
the United Nations as an agenda of its referendum. It<br />
wanted Taiwan to return as the Republic of China to the<br />
world body from which it was ousted in 1971. The<br />
proposal did not compromise the one China principle<br />
with a different interpretation, and as such, was not as<br />
controversial as the Chen plan, causing little concern<br />
abroad.<br />
However, just as it did in January, the Kuomintang<br />
had a second thought about its return to the UN referendum.<br />
In the end, it decided to call on voters to stay