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The Syntax of Early English - Cryptm.org

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134 <strong>The</strong> syntax <strong>of</strong> early <strong>English</strong>rather long periods. In Nevalainen’s Corpus <strong>of</strong><strong>Early</strong> <strong>English</strong> Correspondences,the inversion figures are even lower.Another general problem with the figures available in the literature is thatno distinction is made between finite lexical verbs and (pre)modals.Nevertheless, this distinction may well be vitally important in view <strong>of</strong> thechanges in the (pre)modals taking place around this time, as discussed inchapter 1. For instance, in chapter 5 we will see that in the fifteenth century,some word order phenomena are restricted to environments with an ‘auxiliary’.Clearly, this remains to be sorted out further, on the basis <strong>of</strong> quantitativeanalysis <strong>of</strong> a substantial corpus, with special attention to a distinctionbetween lexical finite verbs and modals and other auxiliaries in the making inthe fifteenth century and perhaps to possible differences between texts thatreflect colloquial speech more closely, and others. Pending such furtherresearch, we cannot but draw the conclusion that inversion, i.e. V-movementto F, although possibly subject to widely varying individual or stylistic differences,was not lost before the eighteenth century. This date raises the question<strong>of</strong> how the loss <strong>of</strong> V to F is related to what is in the literature called the loss<strong>of</strong> V to I, as in Roberts (1985), Kroch (1989), Lightfoot (1997) and Warner(1997). On the analysis <strong>of</strong> Old <strong>English</strong> Verb-Second <strong>of</strong> Pintzuk (1991) andKroch and Taylor (1997), where Verb-Second is analysed as V to I, one wouldexpect the change we identify here as the loss <strong>of</strong> V to F, and that <strong>of</strong> the loss <strong>of</strong>V to I, to be identical. <strong>The</strong>re is evidence against this: the loss <strong>of</strong> V to I is generallyassumed to be correlated with the rise <strong>of</strong> do-support; this correlation ismade particularly forcefully by Kroch (1989). If the loss <strong>of</strong> V to F and the loss<strong>of</strong> V to I are the same thing, Kroch’s constant rate account breaks down, sinceV to F saw a sharp decline in the fifteenth century, some time before the rise<strong>of</strong> do-support started taking <strong>of</strong>f seriously by the close <strong>of</strong> the fifteenth century.Moreover, there is some independent evidence for a separate V-movementstrategy, V-to-T movement as in Roberts (1995), the loss <strong>of</strong> which set in later,and whose dating seems to tally more closely with the loss <strong>of</strong> V to I as discussedin the literature. While fine-grained quantitative research remains to bedone, it seems safest to say that the loss <strong>of</strong> V to F and the loss <strong>of</strong> V to T (inthe literature V to I) are separate developments, each with their own rate <strong>of</strong>change.Whatever the details, it is <strong>of</strong> some interest to consider the nature <strong>of</strong> thischange. Van Kemenade (1987) attributes it to the changing character <strong>of</strong>subject pronouns: whereas previously they behaved like weak pronouns (interms <strong>of</strong> the analysis in the present chapter, they occupied FP), this specialbehaviour was lost, and as a result nominal and pronominal subjects began tobehave alike, which triggered the loss <strong>of</strong> V-movement to C, or, in our analysis

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