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The Syntax of Early English - Cryptm.org

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Changes in infinitival constructions 219We have already indicated that the reanalysis shown in (10) became possiblebecause the loss <strong>of</strong> case inflections made the interpretation <strong>of</strong> the relevantNP ambiguous. <strong>The</strong> fact that it was rendered possible does not, however, meanthat the loss <strong>of</strong> inflections made the reanalysis in (10) necessary. <strong>The</strong> loss <strong>of</strong>dative case had no particular effect in other constructions, such as the doubleobject construction (in which the indirect object NP may have been sufficientlyidentified by its position in the clause). We may expect, therefore, that therewere further contributing factors. One <strong>of</strong> these is probably the fixing <strong>of</strong> VOword order as discussed in chapter 5. This can be shown by means <strong>of</strong> twotypical examples from Old and Middle <strong>English</strong>:(11) leohtre is am bearnum maga swingcela to geoliannelighter is for-children <strong>of</strong>-kinsmen lashes to sufferonne Godes yrre on to beyrnannethan God’s ire to run-into‘it is less painful for children to suffer the lashes <strong>of</strong> their kinsmen than toincur God’s anger’ (ThCap2(Sauer) 33.369.8)(12) if it be a foul thing a man to waste his catel on wommen(Chaucer Parson 848)In Old <strong>English</strong>, illustrated by (11), the infinitival object nearly always precedesthe infinitive in surface word order (i.e. swingcela and yrre come beforegeolian and onbeyrnan respectively). <strong>The</strong> matrix benefactive object is foundboth before and after the matrix verb, depending on the type <strong>of</strong> clause andalso on stylistic factors (in (11), bearnum follows the predicate leohtre is). InMiddle <strong>English</strong>, surface VO word order becomes the norm. As shown inchapter 5, sentences with overt movement <strong>of</strong> the object to AgrOP (yieldingsurface OV order) become ever rarer in the course <strong>of</strong> the thirteenth and fourteenthcenturies, and by 1400 this option has virtually disappeared. This canindeed be seen also in (12), where both objects (the matrix benefactive objectman, and the infinitival object catel) follow the verb. This means that in Middle<strong>English</strong> the (old) benefactive phrase comes to be positioned next to theinfinitive. Through this fixed adjacent position and the loss <strong>of</strong> dative marking,an interpretation becomes available in which the older benefactive is thesubject <strong>of</strong> the infinitive.This reanalysis was unlikely to occur in Old <strong>English</strong>, because Old <strong>English</strong>still had a wider variety <strong>of</strong> surface word orders, resulting from the V-movementprocesses discussed in chapter 4 and from the overt checking <strong>of</strong> object casesdiscussed in chapter 5. This then may also explain why the reanalysis did nottake place in either German or Dutch: since Dutch and German are firmly SOVin their surface word order, and have maintained word order asymmetriesbetween main and subordinate clauses due to V-movement, the benefactive

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