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The Syntax of Early English - Cryptm.org

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An outline <strong>of</strong> Middle <strong>English</strong> syntax 73objects <strong>of</strong> active clauses being eligible for promotion to subject in the passive).Not surprisingly in view <strong>of</strong> the development <strong>of</strong> formal identity across theboard <strong>of</strong> (earlier) datives and accusatives, all these areas underwent change inMiddle <strong>English</strong>.In the case <strong>of</strong> monotransitive complementation, the development wassimple: all internal arguments came to be marked by the objective case form,and any semantic distinctions that existed earlier were lost or relocated todifferent lexical items. In the case <strong>of</strong> the verbs see and help, for example, theinternal arguments were marked accusative and dative respectively in Old<strong>English</strong>, as in (6a–b), but in Middle <strong>English</strong> both verbs took an objective internalargument, as in (7a–b).(6) a. Sona swa hio geseah one fordrifenan cyning . . .as-soon as she saw the-ACC driven-<strong>of</strong>f-ACC king-ACC‘As soon as she saw the king, who had been driven out <strong>of</strong> course . . .’(Bo 38.116.6)b. for an e he wolde gehelpan . . . earfum andbecause he would help poor-people-DAT andwannhalumsick-people-DAT‘because he wanted to help the poor and the sick.’ (ÆLS(Oswald) 272)(7) a. Allas . . . / at ich here is sorwe see!alas that I here this sorrow-OBJ see‘Alas, that I should see this sorrow here.’ (Havelok 1878)b. Loke nou, hu God helpen kan/look now how God help canO mani wise wif and manin many ways woman-OBJ and man-OBJ‘Now look how God can help men and women in many ways.’(Havelok 1712)As explained in 2.2.1, there were verbs in Old <strong>English</strong> that could take either adative or an accusative object, with in some cases a possible difference inmeaning (see Plank 1983). <strong>The</strong> difference involved the degree <strong>of</strong> affectedness<strong>of</strong> the object, the dative signalling a lesser degree <strong>of</strong> affectedness than theaccusative. In Middle <strong>English</strong>, the distinction between dative and accusativewas lost, and with it the possibility <strong>of</strong> signalling a difference in meaning in thisway. In some cases, part <strong>of</strong> the semantic difference may have come to beexpressed by other lexical items (including verbpreposition combinations)that were pressed into service for this.In the case <strong>of</strong> ditransitive verbs, the two internal arguments, usually markedaccusative and dative in Old <strong>English</strong> as in (8), both received objective markingin Middle <strong>English</strong>, as in (9).

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