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The Syntax of Early English - Cryptm.org

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Grammaticalization and grammar change 291strained by the structure <strong>of</strong> the grammar; some restructurings are thereforemore likely than others. For this reason we do not believe that there is universal,semantically driven unidirectionality. Our misgivings on this point will be illustratedby our discussion <strong>of</strong> the case studies in section 9.3. For instance, concerningJespersen’s cycle in section 9.3.2, it will be argued that, although thebleaching <strong>of</strong> the negative adverb (not and its precursors in Old and Middle<strong>English</strong>) is part and parcel <strong>of</strong> the sequence <strong>of</strong> changes involved, the history <strong>of</strong><strong>English</strong> negation may be considered a pure example <strong>of</strong> a morphosyntacticchange; nothing whatever changes in the semantics <strong>of</strong> the construction.<strong>The</strong> emphasis on unidirectionality and on the graduality <strong>of</strong> a process thatcannot be cut up into segments has also led to the idea that the process ismechanistic, that it is itself a mechanism or cause for change. Bybee at al.(1994: 298), for instance, write: ‘Thus our view <strong>of</strong> grammaticization is muchmore mechanistic than functional: the relation between grammar and functionis indirect and mediated by diachronic process. <strong>The</strong> processes that lead togrammaticization occur in language use for their own sakes; it just happensthat their cumulative effect is the development <strong>of</strong> grammar’ (emphasis added).Most investigators <strong>of</strong> grammaticalization describe it vaguely as a ‘phenomenon’,a ‘process’ or an ‘evolution’. However, the fact that for most linguists itsintrinsic properties are graduality and unidirectionality suggests to us that intheir view the process must have some independence. Heine et al. (1991a: 9)write that ‘Meillet followed Bopp rather than Humboldt in using grammaticalizationas an explanatory parameter in historical linguistics’ (emphasisadded), and the authors themselves seem to follow this line. Interestingly too,Vincent (1995: 434) writes, in an article which challenges the pre-eminence <strong>of</strong>grammaticalization as a source <strong>of</strong> new patterns, that he still does not ‘wish . . .to deny the power <strong>of</strong> grammaticalization as an agent <strong>of</strong> change’ (emphasisadded).A rather different point <strong>of</strong> view is presented in Harris and Campbell (1995),who write:Examples <strong>of</strong> grammaticalization are important in the broad database <strong>of</strong>grammatical changes, and instances occur in most <strong>of</strong> the subsequent chapters<strong>of</strong> this book. As will be seen in those chapters, however, we find thatgrammaticalization cases can be explained adequately by the other mechanisms<strong>of</strong> syntactic change . . . and we therefore attribute to grammaticalizationno special status in our approach (Harris and Campbell 1995: 20)Grammaticalization is one type <strong>of</strong> macro change, consisting minimally <strong>of</strong>one process <strong>of</strong> reanalysis, but frequently involving more than one reanalysis...Grammaticalizationis <strong>of</strong>ten associated with ‘semantic bleaching,’ andthis ‘bleaching’ is the result <strong>of</strong> reanalysis or, perhaps better said, it is theessence <strong>of</strong> the reanalysis itself (ibid. p. 92)

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