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The Syntax of Early English - Cryptm.org

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174 <strong>The</strong> syntax <strong>of</strong> early <strong>English</strong>more main clauses with a fronted verb, and fewer clause-final particles. This evidencefrom E-language would trigger a grammar or I-language allowing postverbalconstituents, and in particular the object, to move to their associatedfunctional projection covertly. At the same time, the language environment thatlearners around 900 were exposed to contained very robust evidence for overtobject movement, in the form <strong>of</strong> many clauses with an object preceding a nonfrontedverb. <strong>The</strong> result would be that children acquired a grammar allowingboth options, as sketched in 5.3.2.<strong>The</strong> textual record suggests that in the late Old <strong>English</strong> period, sentencesderived from the option <strong>of</strong> covert object movement, i.e. with VO order,remained relatively infrequent, but within the analysis that we are exploringhere, this may – indeed, must – be taken to be an E-language phenomenon.This is also true <strong>of</strong> the rise in frequency <strong>of</strong> VO order in the eleventh andtwelfth centuries, and the differences that there may have been in this respectbetween main and embedded clauses (see Lightfoot 1991: 42–77 for a differentview). <strong>The</strong> figures <strong>of</strong> Kroch and Taylor (1994), discussed in 5.4, show thatOV order still occurred in thirty per cent or more <strong>of</strong> all early thirteenthcentury(embedded) clauses that they examined, a clear sign that the grammarstill made both options available at this time.<strong>The</strong> grammatical system in which AgrO was not uniformly strong persisteduntil the beginning <strong>of</strong> the fifteenth century. Throughout this period, objectmovement could take place either overtly (resulting in surface OV order, unlessthe verb moved to a functional projection higher than AgrOP) or non-overtly(resulting in surface VO order). Which option was chosen in any specific situation,and how many instances were produced <strong>of</strong> either type, is an E-languagephenomenon, and not a strictly grammatical one. Of course, in this case as inothers, the possibilities made available by the grammar (I-language) were notdistributed randomly in actual language use (E-language); rather, speakersand writers would tend to use a particular syntactic variant in particular contextsor situations, for various kinds <strong>of</strong> reasons.Interestingly, the choice between OV and VO order in Middle <strong>English</strong> seemsto have depended on the same kinds <strong>of</strong> factors as have typically been foundto determine linguistic variation in studies <strong>of</strong> contemporary material. Thus,there appears to have been stylistic differentiation (as between poetic style, inwhich high proportions <strong>of</strong> OV were used, versus prose style; see MacLeish1969 and Foster and van der Wurff 1995), discourse factors (involving the distinctionbetween given and new information, the latter disfavouring OV; seeFoster and van der Wurff 1997), and perhaps ease <strong>of</strong> processing <strong>of</strong> specificclauses (leading to somewhat greater use <strong>of</strong> OV in clauses lacking an overtsubject; compare Bauer 1995 on a similar constraint in French). In addition,

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