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The Syntax of Early English - Cryptm.org

The Syntax of Early English - Cryptm.org

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tion stranding (This is easiest to gain heaven by) would be a direct result <strong>of</strong> theintroduction <strong>of</strong> this new wh-option.(69) the which ibyn herdur [ CPOP i[ IPPRO to vndurstonde t i]](70) hit iesy [ CPOP i[ IPPRO to dele wi t i]]<strong>The</strong> history <strong>of</strong> the ‘easy-to-please’ construction 283Another response to the situation might consist in the use <strong>of</strong> a passiveinfinitive, yielding they are harder to be understood and it is easy to be dealtwith, in which the participial morphology would absorb the Case and externaltheta-role <strong>of</strong> the lexical verb, and in that way provide a possible derivation forthese sentences. This response implies that there was a rather abrupt changein forms, rather than the superficially more gradual process <strong>of</strong> reanalysis bywhich the wh-derivation arose. It is possible that this correlates with the locus<strong>of</strong> the change, where perhaps language learners were responsible for the introduction<strong>of</strong> the wh-analysis, while adult speakers reacted to the ongoing loss <strong>of</strong>the infinitival ending by adapting the form <strong>of</strong> the verb in what for themremained a basically passive derivation; the factors discussed above wouldmake the adaptation employed a natural one for them. Alternatively, thisabrupt innovation may be taken to lend support to Lightfoot’s (1991) hypothesisthat language learners take their cues from main clauses (degree-0domains) only, which can lead to rather drastic changes in embeddeddomains; see 1.1.3.1 for a description <strong>of</strong> this approach.<strong>The</strong> explanation that we have now arrived at has several attractive properties.First, it may help us understand why the two major Middle <strong>English</strong>changes in the ‘easy-to-please’ construction took place at roughly the sametime: it views them as alternative responses to the certain features in theprimary data confronting language learners around 1400. Furthermore, theexplanation provides a clear trigger for the changes, in the form <strong>of</strong> the reduction<strong>of</strong> infinitival morphology that is known to have been underway in thisperiod. <strong>The</strong> explanation can be integrated with the other factors discussed inthis section, as pointed out above for the appearance <strong>of</strong> the passive infinitive.<strong>The</strong> borrowing scenario can also be made more precise by noting that thediffusion <strong>of</strong> It is easy to deal with would result in reanalysis specifically if theborrowing variety had more advanced decline <strong>of</strong> the verbal endings; in such avariety, moreover, borrowing <strong>of</strong> the perhaps more frequent modal passivepattern This is to deal with would not be possible, since there would be noinfinitival morphology to absorb Case and the external theta-role, and noalternative wh-derivation existed for this sentence type (hence also the eventualdisappearance <strong>of</strong> the modal passive).

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