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Introduction

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112<br />

Sabina Fazli<br />

(28). These new and inventive means, often original and sometimes barely legal,<br />

also proved fertile for the literary detective (Perera 112). The same form of police<br />

intelligence, which had hitherto been rejected or at least been frowned upon in<br />

England, was implemented in London in the wake of its colonial success (Reitz<br />

28). As Caroline Reitz argues that the birth of the whole genre of detective fiction<br />

heavily relied on India as the site of crime, the pedigree of crime fiction includes<br />

Taylor as an important and influential contributor (22). The type of the Thug as<br />

representative of India and the conventional literary villain congealed into a repeatable<br />

literary stereotype. The close intertwining of the colonial adventure story<br />

and the rise of the literary detective in England, Reitz suggests, make Dickens and<br />

Collins not so much into inventors of the genre but inheritors of an imperial tradition<br />

(45). In situating the birth of the detective in India, she also explains the conflation<br />

of colony and crime which is to become a fertile impetus for detective<br />

literature and refutes the traditional histories of the genre which posit the detective<br />

novel as purely “homegrown” (46). Detective fiction is thus one mode which<br />

perpetuated the image of the criminal colony .<br />

Meadows Taylor immortalised another Indian ‘criminal’ in his novel on the<br />

Mysore wars, in Tippoo Sultaun (1840). The figure of Tipu was made famous, primarily,<br />

through captivity narratives which showed him as a despotic and cruel<br />

ruler (Mukherjee 110). His ‘fame’ was definitely comparable to Nana Sahib, the<br />

icon of the Mutiny.<br />

The Mutiny<br />

The Indian Mutinyof 1857/8 consolidated this image and again saw the indiscriminate<br />

labelling of the colony as inherently prone to crime. The great outrage<br />

the Mutiny had incited in Britain is impressively mirrored in the literary output.<br />

Fifty novels on the Mutiny were written before 1900 and another 30 before World<br />

War II (Brantlinger, Rule 199). The Mutiny was the subject of countless other<br />

texts: “[t]here was a deluge of eyewitness accounts, journal articles, histories, poems<br />

and plays dealing with the 1857-58 rebellion” (199). The Indian Mutiny was<br />

the defining moment in the mid-Victorian attitude to British colonisation of India<br />

and India itself and caused a boost in public interest in the colony (Pionke 109)<br />

Writings on the Mutiny signalled a change in the attitudes towards India. Although,<br />

before the Mutiny, India was represented in Orientalist stereotypes, many<br />

writersstill expressed the possibility that Indians could be ‘civilised’ and ‘elevated’<br />

from their state of ‘barbarism’. The discourse which underpinned British rule in<br />

India posited the mild and passive Hindu as longing for and consenting to British<br />

rule and reformation (Sharpe 58). The possibility of change for the better, in British<br />

eyes, is rendered impossible after 1858. The trope of India as unchanging and<br />

forever caught in the same “superstition and violence” (Brantlinger, Rule 200)<br />

supersedes the ethnocentric and philanthropic, though racist, aspirations of earlier

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