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Introduction

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Construction of Identity in Northern Irish Novels 231<br />

ful to look on the overall attitude of Northern Irish inhabitants towards their identities.<br />

In their 1991 paper Neil Waddell and Ed Cairns examine which ethnopolitical<br />

identities people in Northern Ireland chose. They compared their findings with<br />

those of two other research studies carried out by Richard Rose in 1968 and by<br />

Edward Moxon-Browne in 1978 respectively. The task for the participants was to<br />

choose the identity which they felt they most belonged to. Among the answers to<br />

choose from were terms like “British”, “Irish”, “Ulster”, “Anglo-Irish”, “sometimes<br />

British / sometimes Irish” and “other” (Waddell and Cairns 206). In the<br />

decade between 1968 and 1978 significant changes took place. Whereas many<br />

Protestants embraced Irishness in 1968 (20 per cent), in 1978 only eight per cent<br />

felt themselves to be “Irish”. The “Ulster” identity lost also in popularity. Instead<br />

the “British” identity was chosen by 67 per cent. Waddell and Cairns attributed<br />

these changes to the conflict that had begun in 1969. ”For Protestants, seeing the<br />

union with Britain threatened by Republican violence, the need was probably felt<br />

to make a clear uncompromising statement of national allegiance to Britain. Any<br />

other identity […] would fail to do this” (ibid. 206). Among Catholics the preference<br />

for an Irish identity remained relatively stable (70 per cent), however.<br />

Waddell and Cairns felt that something was missing and included the identity<br />

“Northern Irish” in their own research questionnaire, so that people now could<br />

choose between the following identities: “British”, “Irish”, “Ulster” and “Northern<br />

Irish”. Participants were 475 sixth form students of whom 60 per cent were<br />

Protestant, 40 per cent Catholic, 37 per cent male and 63 per cent female (ibid.<br />

207). Protestants’ answers were distributed among the “British”, “Northern Irish”<br />

and “Ulster” identities, whereas Catholics mainly chose “Irish” and “Northern<br />

Irish” identities of which “Irish” was favoured. Among Catholics the “British”<br />

identity received a zero position, the “Ulster” identity was also disliked (ibid.<br />

209ff). Waddell and Cairns concluded that Ulster by Catholics is assumed as<br />

something British or Protestant (ibid. 210):<br />

There may be several reasons for this Catholic dislike of the Ulster label.<br />

Before partition, Ulster was always the term used to describe that area of<br />

“loyal” Ireland that was largely inhabited by Protestants. After partition, the<br />

name stuck even though it was now geographically incorrect – the old Ulster<br />

consisted of nine counties, the new Northern Ireland has only six – and<br />

subsequently the term seems to have become synonymous with Loyalism<br />

(210).<br />

They further assumed that an “Ulster” identity would not distinguish Catholics<br />

from Protestants sufficiently as in a conflict situation such as the Troubles “opposing<br />

groups seek to develop and maintain psychological group distinctiveness”<br />

(ibid. 211).

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