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Introduction

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128<br />

Sabina Fazli<br />

cues mankind from destruction (26). The Moonstone is dedicated 8 to Soma because<br />

of its propensity to mirror the phases of the moon. It is thus believed to<br />

have an organic connection with the god and wax and wane independently. The<br />

colour yellow is also associated with the god Soma and either present as the colour<br />

of his skin or garments (Bunce, “Soma”). Soma has a twofold meaning as it<br />

first denoted the Vedic drug and only later came to stand for the moon. The<br />

Moonstone thus also represents the juice of Soma which was won from the<br />

“moon-plant” and is, in the Vedas, described as drunk at sacrifices (Bunce,<br />

“Soma”).<br />

The sanctity of the Moonstone relies on its wholeness. The destruction of its<br />

“sacred identity” (Collins, Moonstone 82) puts an end to its existence as a religious<br />

symbol. The cutting of the diamond turns it from a holy relic into brilliants, but<br />

these would be worth more than the uncut diamond (47). Its spiritual significance<br />

is thus distinctly set off against the value for which it is admired in England. Its<br />

significance as a whole but worthless sacred symbol and cut but valuable cash item<br />

constitutes another paradox in its existence.<br />

The anonymous narrator of the prologue compares the practice of donating a<br />

diamond to a shrine to customs of antiquity. In this respect, Indians, ancient Romans<br />

and Greeks, his comparison concludes, share the same superstitions<br />

(Collins, Moonstone 11). This idea may partly rely on King’s chapter “Sacred Gems”<br />

(406-409) which enumerates such customs from Greek antiquity to the Middle<br />

Ages. The parallel between antiquity and India, where diamonds are revered as<br />

holy objects, also throws into relief the similarity of the British and Mogul interpretations<br />

of the diamond as plunder. Additionally, the comparison of Greece,<br />

Rome and India creates a cultural intimacy between India and Europe and at the<br />

same time a temporal gap because the ancient superstitions, long abandoned in<br />

the west, still flourish in the East, which is thus imagined as stuck in time and<br />

development.<br />

While the prologue is set in India it is also located in an apparently timeless<br />

and “romantic” (Collins, Moonstone 462) space. The emphasis is on the age of the<br />

Moonstone and the long and uninterrupted line of Brahmins who guard it: “One<br />

age followed another” (repeated twice on the same page), “generation after generation”,<br />

“the generations succeeded each other” (12). The specific indications of<br />

time only occur in connection with conquests that interrupt the customs which<br />

had existed “for centuries” (12). Mahmoud of Ghazni in the “eleventh century of<br />

the Christian era” and Aurangzeb in the “first years of the eighteenth century of<br />

the Christian era” (12) interrupt this flow of time and are granted an approximate<br />

dating. Together with its guardians the Moonstone is the unchanging witness of<br />

different violent conquests. The Moonstone is raised from the indistinct and unmarked<br />

flow of time, it is suggested, on the “4 th of May 1799” (11) when John<br />

8 Given the Hindu conviction that flawed diamonds are singularly inauspicious, the dedication of<br />

such a diamond to a god is rather unlikely.

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