Introduction

Construction of Identity in Northern Irish Novels 259
friends think of it by the nickname they use. ‘Double-duckers’ could stress the
church’s intensified religiosity, while at the same time it could also mean a sexual
allusion. Although using religious terms in their names, other churches like the
Windsor Tabernacle sound more like pubs or places of amusement instead of
piety. Finally the alliterations in Methodist Mission and Presbyterian Presbytery
and the latter’s repetition of root (figura etymologica) seem to ridicule the church’s
authority.
However, the church in general plays a crucial role in Northern Irish society.
Morrow claims that only pubs do have a similar central role in social life (consequently
the peculiar church names mentioned by Jake). Thus, the church among
others offers space for women’s groups, charities, sports clubs and young people.
During times of high unemployment rates – as in the 1970s – the church even
provided for job training and employment schemes (ibid. 195).
Duncan calls attention to the fact that “in communities which regard one another
with suspicion or hostility, in which the fact of being a Protestant or being a
Catholic may be grounds for apprehension or fear, the avoidance of such situations
of fear […] is a matter of common sense” (ibid. 196). These situations are
also familiar to Jake in Eureka Street. In a bar he frequently attends he encounters
one night a “big Protestant bouncer” with UVF tattoos. Jake is afraid of talking to
him because he might say “something too Catholic” (McLiam Wilson 2). The next
time he goes there the bouncer on duty wears Republican tattoos and Jake is
“scared of not seeming Catholic enough” (ibid. 18). This shows how important
the religious background for some people is. Of course, this is a merely superficial
perception. Ronnie, a Protestant colleague of Jake’s, likes him as long as he believes
him to be a Methodist (ibid. 162).
Both Morrow and Mitchell have recognised a change in religious behaviour. In
the 1991 census, for example, the number of those not stating a religion and of
those claiming no religion rose while the numbers of Protestant believers fell
(Presbyterians: from 31 per cent to 21 per cent, Church of Ireland: from 27 per
cent to 18 per cent) (Aughey and Morrow 191). In 1991 thus 38 per cent stated to
be Roman Catholics and 51 per cent belonged to one of the Protestant churches
while 11 per cent stated no religion (ibid. 1991). In 2001 the number of Catholics
counted 40 per cent; that of Protestants had sunk to 46 per cent. The number of
population having no religion or not stating it now counted 14 per cent (Mitchell
2006, 22).
Although there is a trend of decline concerning the importance of religion it is
very small and “religious belonging remains strong amongst the young” as
Mitchell points out (ibid. 23). In a 2003 survey 15-17 year olds were asked several
questions about their religious identity. When asked the importance of their religion
70 per cent of Catholics and 59 per cent of Protestants agreed. The question
“Do you see yourself as part of a religious community?” was answered by 91 per
cent of Catholics and by 88 per cent of Protestants in the affirmative, though