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Introduction

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164<br />

Sabina Fazli<br />

The Moonstone and The Sign of Four, nevertheless, frame fears of intrusion and<br />

invasion in a similar manner and draw on the popular perception of the Mutiny as<br />

a conspiracy against British dominion.<br />

Secret Societies and Thuggee<br />

The idea of a murderous and secretive India is largely based on two sources. The<br />

immense interest in Thuggee at the beginning of the century and its popularisation<br />

and fictionalisation in Philip Meadows Taylor’s successful Confessions of a Thug<br />

(1839) almost certainly shaped the image of India as the site of murder which is<br />

rooted in religion but underpins the whole of society (Mukherjee 108). The problems<br />

which arose in the attempts to suppress Thuggee made for popular plots and<br />

secured it an afterlife detective fiction. The sensationalist press coverage of Thuggee<br />

also nurtured the belief that Thugs could appear in the middle of London or<br />

Paris, and motifs and figures from Thug narratives found their way into all kinds<br />

of crime fiction in the latter half of the century (níFlathuín 35-36).<br />

The outbreak of the Mutiny revived the notion of Indian conspiracies as contemporary<br />

explanations centred on the existence of secret societies, which aimed<br />

to overthrow British rule in India. Again, it was thus possible to reduce the popular<br />

basis of the rebellion and deny a more widespread discontent with British rule.<br />

Furthermore, the theory also paid off ideologically, as British resistance and retribution<br />

was directed against the secret and cowardly plans of ungrateful conspirators<br />

(Pionke 114-118). Patrick Brantlinger also acknowledges the Victorian resorting<br />

to these theories and sees Nana Sahib cast into the role of prime conspirator,<br />

while at the same time Indians as a whole were held to be incapable of acting on<br />

an organised scheme (203).<br />

Deception is therefore rooted not in personal ability but in religion which encompasses<br />

the whole of society. Thus concealment and murder are hallmarks of<br />

Indian rather than Thug culture (Reitz 25). Consequently, the Indians in The Moonstone<br />

and The Sign of Four, who allegedly conspire to harm English persons, appear<br />

as secret societies. The Moonstone might have been the “object of a conspiracy in<br />

India” (Collins, Moonstone 43) and Murthwaite remarks that “a Hindoo diamond is<br />

often part of a Hindoo religion” (74) and that there was “a conspiracy then in<br />

existence to get possession of the gem” (461). These instances show that the elements<br />

of the discourse of secrecy and conspiracy recur in The Moonstone with reference<br />

to the diamond itself. The depiction of the Indians, of course, follows the<br />

same lines. First of all, their “modest little Indian organisation” (284) conflates the<br />

image of the gang of wandering murderers with the emphasis on their religion.<br />

Their voluntary forfeiture of cast obliquely evokes the affair of the greased cartridges<br />

(Pionke 126). The mutineers in The Sign of Four are accordingly described as<br />

“fanatics” and “devil-worshippers” (Doyle, Sign 216). This also transports the<br />

underlying notion that they are completely determined by their religion and em-

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