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Introduction

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Indian Diamonds 113<br />

times. The stereotype of the Indian now includes innate and unreformable savagery<br />

to explain the Mutiny (Sharpe 201). Post-Mutiny writing is thus governed by<br />

binary oppositions of “good and evil, innocence and guilt, justice and injustice,<br />

moral restraint and sexual depravity, civilisation and barbarism” (Brantlinger, Rule<br />

200).<br />

Nana Sahib’s massacre of women and children in Cawnpore is the most enduring<br />

moment of the Mutiny in British fiction and came to stand for the Mutiny<br />

as a whole, with Nana Sahib representing the quintessence of Indian cunning and<br />

Oriental cruelty (Brantlinger, Rule 204; 222). In the British public, the fact was<br />

suppressed that Nana Sahib’s massacre at Cawnpore might not have been an act<br />

of gratuitous violence, but a retaliatory action for atrocities the British had committed<br />

in Benares and Allahabad (201). Patrick Brantlinger argues that the preeminence<br />

of Cawnpore in the British imagination of the Mutiny is a symptom of a<br />

much larger reduction of the Mutiny. Crime rather than politics is seen to be at<br />

the root of the rebellion, and Cawnpore supersedes all other accounts of the Mutiny,<br />

including British violence and actions of revenge (201-204). The massacre at<br />

Cawnpore also confirmed and propagated the fear that English women especially<br />

are in danger of being the victims of Indian violence and sexual predation (Free<br />

357-358). Rumours of mass rape were readily accepted as truth in England and<br />

entered official history (Sharpe 65). In the criminalisation of the Mutiny, the figure<br />

of the rebel was conflated with the earlier image of the Thug as representing the<br />

natural criminality of Indians (Mukherjee 102-103, ftn. 26).<br />

For imperial ideology, the protection of innocent women and children after<br />

the Cawnpore massacre played an important role as it provided a just cause for<br />

action: The call for revenge for the murdered women and children was used to<br />

justify the extreme violence of the ‘devil’s wind’, and in presenting the political<br />

cause of the Mutiny as a (sex) crime, it became devoid of any political intent<br />

(Sharpe 65-66).<br />

Opium<br />

Partly coinciding with the Mutiny, Britain fought another colonial war with China.<br />

China had tried to stop the influx of opium, and enforced restrictions which led to<br />

the ‘Opium Wars’ fought in 1839-42 and 1856-58, to force the Chinese market<br />

open to British opium from India. After the second war, which Great Britain<br />

fought in alliance with France, China was forced to completely legalise the import<br />

of opium. Other European colonial powers also profited from the sale of opium:<br />

France established a government-held monopoly in Indo-China, an example<br />

which the Netherlands copied in Indonesia in the late nineteenth century (Van<br />

Ours 141).<br />

By the middle of the century opium was, alongside tea, one of the most important<br />

products imported from India and was sold profitably abroad and consumed

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