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Introduction

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212<br />

Melanie Swiatloch<br />

Parliamentary Party’s readiness to accept the exclusion of the six northern counties<br />

out of a united Ireland. During the Anglo-Irish War of 1919-22 the IRA was<br />

founded. Despite their seemingly dominant presence during the conflicts – especially<br />

in the news abroad – the IRA was never supported either by the majority of<br />

the Northern Irish population or by the majority of nationalists, although it was<br />

connected to its political wing Sinn Féin.<br />

The stagnating political process in Northern Ireland was reactivated in 1967<br />

when Catholic protestors of the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association<br />

(NICRA) paraded the streets with their slogan “British rights for British subjects.”<br />

The rest of the world was shocked when it saw the use of police batons on a<br />

peaceful demonstrating crowd, which lead the British government to pass a reform<br />

package. In 1970 the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) was<br />

founded by Civil Rights Movement supporting MPs. The SDLP now stood for a<br />

moderate nationalist approach to politics. With the fail of the Sunningdale Agreement<br />

18, increasing IRA and loyalist violence during the 1980s and the objection of<br />

unionists to accept their Irish fellow citizens, Sinn Féin reemerged as a serious<br />

political force in 1982 19. Six years later the SDLP repeated their attempts for a<br />

peaceful resolution of the conflict. Its party leader John Hume together with Sinn<br />

Féin’s top man Gerry Adams entered talks that lead to the Downing Street declaration<br />

20 of 1993 and the paramilitary ceasefires of 1994, and that finally resulted in<br />

the Good Friday agreement (Mallon and Phoenix 4ff). Similar movements and<br />

political parties developed equally on the Protestant unionist side.<br />

This short historical outline of Irish nationalism shows most clearly the fact<br />

that almost everything connected to Northern Irish identity has political roots.<br />

“Nationalism […] must be regarded as a core factor in any interpretation of the<br />

Northern Ireland conflict”, Patrick Mitchel contends (17). Although I agree with<br />

Mitchel it is at the same time quite hart to find a coherent approach towards the<br />

18 In 1973 an assembly formed by UUP, SDLP, and moderate Alliance Party members agreed on a<br />

devolved government for Northern Ireland with a power-sharing executive. For the first time<br />

since 1925 parties of Britain, southern Ireland and Northern Ireland met at Sunningdale, Great<br />

Britain to agree on a Council of Ireland in which ministers from both Irish governments should<br />

be present. In addition both members from the Irish Dáil and the Northern Irish Assembly<br />

should form a consultive assembly. Loyalist opposition in form of the anti-Sunningdale United<br />

Ulster Unionist Council (UUUP) that was formed by three main loyalist parties, followed by a<br />

general strike by the loyalist Ulster Worker’s Council caused the downfall of the agreement in<br />

1974 (Mulholland 94ff).<br />

19 Sinn Féin gained 10 per cent of the vote in the 1982 Northern Ireland Assembly elections (Mallon<br />

and Phoenix 8).<br />

20 On 15 December 1993 both the British and the Irish government signed the Downing Street<br />

Declaration which promised “to foster agreement and reconciliation, leading to a new political<br />

framework […] within Northern Ireland, for the whole island, and between these islands.” How<br />

to convince most Protestants of this proposal was not mentioned, though. A first Downing<br />

Street Declaration had been issued by Britain’s Prime Minister Harold Wilson in 1969, which<br />

stated “that only Northern Ireland could determine for itself whether the union with Britain be<br />

ended” (Mulholland 92, 132).

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