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Introduction

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292<br />

Sonja Lehmann<br />

fore, whenever the term ‘identity’ is used from now on it will denote the changes<br />

of all the above aspects of ‘identity’ combined.<br />

2.3. Identity and the Nation-State<br />

When speaking of transnational identities it is inevitable to think about nations<br />

first. After all, a transnational activity not only transcends the nation but it is also<br />

where they begin as people live in nation-states. However, a nation-state is not<br />

only a starting point for migratory movements, it can also function as a source of<br />

identity as the following quote by Steven Vertovec points out in which he describes<br />

a commonplace, more traditional understanding of the nation-state concept:<br />

[A]s with the conventional model of the nation-state, some sense of identity<br />

is presumed to characterize a people; this identity/people is believed to be<br />

contiguous with a territory, demarcated by a border; within the border, laws<br />

underpin a specific social and political order or system; this social order –<br />

which is conceived to be different from orders outside the border – both<br />

draws upon and reinforces the sense of collective identity. Identitiesborders-orders<br />

are legitimated and reproduced through a system of narratives,<br />

public rituals and institutions, educational materials, formal state bureaucracies<br />

and informal social relationships, written and unwritten regulations,<br />

sets of assumptions, and expectations of civility and public behaviour[.]<br />

(“Migrant Transnationalism” 158) 11<br />

The nation-state here categorizes its members by imposing laws and social orders<br />

and by influencing them through education and expected norms. This categorization<br />

and identification in addition stresses the commonality of the people within<br />

the state and leads to the conclusion that people within the state differ from those<br />

outside its borders because those have different norms, rules and social behaviour.<br />

The nation-state’s members accordingly develop a sense of belonging and are thus<br />

linked to their respective nation-state by “ties of sentiment” (Vertovec, “Migrant<br />

Transnationalism” 156). In more everyday terms, the nation-state becomes their<br />

home.<br />

Ulf Hedetoft and Mette Hjort extensively reflect on the emotional implications<br />

of what it means to feel at home somewhere. Similarly to Vertovec they state that<br />

“home is where we belong, territorially, existentially, and culturally, where our<br />

own community is, where our family and loved ones reside, where we can identify<br />

our roots, and where we long to return to when we are elsewhere in the world”<br />

11 Vertovec here sums up the findings of Civil Enculturation: Nation-State, Schools and Ethnic Difference<br />

in Four European Countries, a compilation of essays he edited along with Werner Schiffauer, Gerd<br />

Baumann and Riva Kastoryan.

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