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Introduction

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298<br />

Sonja Lehmann<br />

the means for transnational behaviour accessible to a greater number of people<br />

and not only a small elite. Therefore, modern transnational migration is often<br />

described as “a phenomenon of ever-greater intensity and scope” (Jackson, Crang<br />

and Dwyer 11).<br />

What exactly is considered transnational behaviour differs widely from one<br />

approach to the next. While initially the focus was mainly on nation-state transcending<br />

connections of migrants, Peggy Levitt and Nina Glick Schiller by now<br />

differentiate between four different “traditions” of research in transnationalism<br />

which vary widely in scope and focus (183). 19 The areas of interest in these fields<br />

are very diverse and span questions of economic and political incentives for transnational<br />

migration, the role of gender in it, its effects on families, the emergence<br />

of migrant networks, migrants’ assimilation or non-assimilation to the new country,<br />

and reactions of sending and receiving countries towards transnational migration,<br />

to name only a few of the topics covered (Levitt and Glick Schiller 183-85).<br />

Moreover, the general use of the concept has become even more widespread<br />

and has often been used to characterize the behaviour of “all migrants, […] every<br />

ethnic diaspora, […] all travellers and tourists” as Vertovec complains (“Transnationalism<br />

and Identity” 576). It is hardly surprising that the term ‘transnationalism’<br />

is thus often found in connection with qualifiers such as “over-used” (Vertovec,<br />

“Transnationalism and Identity” 576), “elastic” and “stretched” (Wong and<br />

Satzewich 2). It seems that almost any kind of action or person can be labelled<br />

‘transnational’ and as a result the term appears to have been stripped of all meaning<br />

at times. To specify my use of the term I will therefore limit myself to one<br />

approach to transnationalism in the following which strikes me as particularly<br />

useful with regard to aspects of identity formation because of its focus on the<br />

reconfiguration of social space.<br />

3.2. Transnational Social Space<br />

Transnational migration clearly shows that geographic space and social space are<br />

not necessarily congruent anymore. From the beginning, Glick Schiller, Basch and<br />

Blanc-Szanton stated that transnational migrants “live in and create a new social<br />

and cultural space” (“Transnationalism” 14) and argued that it was necessary to<br />

concentrate on transnationalism in terms of “a new field of social relations” to<br />

adequately describe the concomitant changes (“Transnationalism” 19). Many others<br />

have subsequently taken up this social fields perspective (e.g. Beck, “Globalisierung”;<br />

Jackson, Crang and Dwyer; Kennedy and Roudometof; Pries; Vertovec)<br />

and recently Levitt and Glick Schiller have attempted to generalize the results of<br />

19 For detailed information and further reading on these different groups see Levitt and Glick<br />

Schiller 183-85. Peter Jackson, Philip Crang and Claire Dwyer also offer a compact overview of<br />

different forms of and research approaches to transnationalism (8-11).

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