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Ethnoecology, Resource Use, Conservation And Development In A ...

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people use this and for what?", "How many times have you killed it?", "Are there any<br />

times when you should not kill or use it?").<br />

Experienced interviewees would often anticipate many or all of the standard set<br />

of questions. <strong>In</strong>terviews would be concluded with another open-ended question, of<br />

the form, "Is there anything more you can tell me about...?", thus providing another<br />

opportunity to volunteer information not covered in any of the fixed questions. <strong>In</strong><br />

practice, a positive answer to this final question was obtained only in a small number<br />

of interviews. Deviations were often followed, particularly when they appeared to be<br />

leading to interesting information - for example, during a discussion of one species,<br />

interviewees would often digress and start talking about a relative, predator or<br />

competitor. <strong>In</strong>terviews on Agouti paca, for example, almost inevitably incorporated a<br />

brief description of the hunting behaviour of Speothos venaticus, its major predator.<br />

On most occasions, a single interviewee would participate in several interviews<br />

successively on a one-to-one basis, over the course of a day or, in some cases,<br />

several days. Some interviews were also conducted opportunistically, for example in a<br />

break from other activities during the course of a day's fieldwork. The majority of<br />

interviewees were mature men, experienced as hunters and in most cases having<br />

spent extensive periods in the forest working as balata bleeders or in activities<br />

associated with the balata industry. The initial intention was to document knowledge<br />

acquired in hunting and other forest-based activities by those people with most<br />

experience of the forest. The assumption that this would be a male-dominated<br />

domain of knowledge remained untested during the course of this research<br />

programme. While women tend, in general, to spend far less time in the forest than<br />

men, and many women have little or no experience of the forest beyond their farming<br />

area, it is certainly not the case that women are, as a whole, ignorant of the subjects<br />

with which these interviews were concerned. Many women of all age groups had<br />

extensive experience in the deep forest obtained by accompanying fathers, husbands<br />

and other male relatives on hunting or balata bleeding expeditions.<br />

Evidence of areas of ethnoecological knowledge in which women were more<br />

proficient than men did emerge during the course of the study. <strong>In</strong> particular, many<br />

older women were reported to have extensive experience of hunting, acquired during<br />

the days of the balata industry when the seasonal depopulation of men forced them<br />

to take over this traditionally male-dominated area of subsistence activity. Reports of<br />

informants suggest that the profile of game species taken in these circumstances<br />

differed considerably from that of male hunters, due to differences in hunting ranges<br />

- activity was concentrated more greatly in the vicinity of the house and farm, and

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