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Ethnoecology, Resource Use, Conservation And Development In A ...

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is a matter about which many among older generations expressed grave concerns (cf.<br />

Horowitz 1998: 383). The prospect this entails of loss of identity as a culturally<br />

distinct group and capacity for economic self-sufficiency is one that is not at all<br />

welcomed. However, these changes are taking place as a result of free choices by a<br />

younger generation expressing its wish to be able to earn a cash income unavailable<br />

to most within their home villages.<br />

The full scale of the loss entailed in the collapse of the balata industry is thus<br />

evident: it provided a means by which previous generations were able to integrate<br />

into the national economy on their own terms. It appears that this integration took<br />

place in a fashion to which subsistence practices could be readily adapted and which<br />

allowed for people to earn a cash income via exploitation of a renewable resource<br />

which could be extracted without causing environmental damage. The local body of<br />

skills connected with forest use and the associated knowledge of forest ecology were<br />

both augmented as people's employment compelled them to spend extended periods<br />

resident in the forest and frequent areas which might not otherwise have been<br />

visited. <strong>In</strong> these respects the balata industry can be considered to have been a<br />

conservation success in both cultural and ecological terms, which may hold important<br />

lessons for those seeking economic solutions to the current losses of diversity.<br />

This study has shown that existing bodies of local skills and knowledge provide a<br />

potential for the development of income-generating activities that share these<br />

important properties. This is both in direct economic terms, in the well-explored basis<br />

for extractive industries in local knowledge of the procurement and usage of wild<br />

species, and in terms of the growing outside interest in the conservation importance<br />

of the region. I have shown that Wapishana ethnoecology and the skills associated<br />

with it are readily transferable to the context of scientific research in ecology, and<br />

that their utility in local management can be enhanced by the incorporation of<br />

insights based upon scientific research. The potential thus exists for a productive and<br />

ongoing relationship, based upon a two-way intellectual exchange, between<br />

Wapishana ethnoecologists and those who would seek to introduce scientific methods<br />

of natural resource management to their home area. This could function both in the<br />

context of local involvement in the management of formally designated protected<br />

areas and in seeking to improve local competence in natural resource management on<br />

titled Amerindian land.<br />

Possible current strategies for the conservation of game, fish and other natural<br />

resources appear to be encoded in the interaction of pulsed prohibitions on the<br />

consumption of particular foods with the traditional system of land tenure, and in the

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