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Ethnoecology, Resource Use, Conservation And Development In A ...

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around 4,000 km 2 and excluding many areas vital for subsistence. <strong>In</strong> 1994 the<br />

communities commenced a land use mapping project to substantiate their claims,<br />

presenting the maps thus produced to the government in 1997. Facing a lack of<br />

response on the part of the government, the communities decided to resort to legal<br />

action, which was filed by their legal representatives late in 1998 (Anselmo and<br />

Mackay 1999: 25-36). The outcome of the action in the Guyanese courts is still<br />

pending, and meanwhile other Amerindian groups in Guyana have begun to follow<br />

similar courses of action. Several communities in the Moruca sub-region in the<br />

Northwest District have recently completed a joint land use mapping project<br />

undertaken for the purposes of land use planning and claiming land extension (APA<br />

2000c), and a similar project is now underway in the ‘Deep South’ district of Region<br />

9. (See chapter 3.3.1).<br />

Despite the uncertainty of the indigenous land situation, for many years<br />

violations of Amerindian territories were minimal. Owing to the economic stagnation<br />

that afflicted the country under the Burnham regime during the 1970's and 1980's,<br />

very little attention was directed towards the remote and undeveloped interior areas<br />

of the country. Timber and mineral extraction, the major industrial activities in the<br />

interior, both dwindled almost to extinction (Thomas 1993: 142-6). Guyana's<br />

Amerindians for the most part avoided the atrocities inflicted upon their counterparts<br />

elsewhere in the Americas in the name of development over this period, and can<br />

currently be considered better off than many in neighbouring Brazil and Venezuela<br />

(e.g., Foster 1990; Cleary 1990; MacMillan 1995: 122-126). It is clear that this was<br />

not due to any measure of government benevolence. A plan for a major hydro-electric<br />

power project on the Mazaruni river, whose expediency was questionable but which<br />

would have seen the Akawaio residents of the region forcibly removed from their<br />

lands (Bennett and Colson 1981) failed to materialise only because the requisite<br />

funds could not be secured. However, in many areas Amerindian communities<br />

received little outside attention other than from missionaries, and were left more or<br />

less free to maintain their lifestyles as they chose, within the constraints already<br />

observed.<br />

<strong>In</strong> the years since the death of former dictator Forbes Burnham in 1985, the<br />

national situation has changed markedly. The highly despotic and bureaucratic<br />

command economy constructed by Burnham has been transformed as a result of a<br />

series of interventions led by the World Bank and the <strong>In</strong>ternational Monetary Fund.<br />

One consequence of this is unprecedented levels of pressure upon the natural<br />

resources of Guyana's interior and new risks to its inhabitants, particularly as a result

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