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Ethnoecology, Resource Use, Conservation And Development In A ...

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consultation on all matters affecting land use locally. <strong>Conservation</strong> is a key local<br />

interest, provided that it is directed to the maintenance and improvement of local<br />

lifestyles and ensures that control over decision making is in indigenous hands.<br />

Chapter four explored the basis for this utilitarian interest in conservation, and<br />

documented local use of natural resources for subsistence purposes. It showed that<br />

Wapishana people employ a variety of subsistence strategies based around<br />

agriculture, and also include some or all of the following: hunting, fishing, rearing<br />

domestic livestock, keeping house gardens and cultivating fruit trees on the<br />

savannah, and gathering wild products of both plant and animal origin. Direct<br />

dependence on a wide range of local biodiversity and on a variety of ecological<br />

processes in the forest ecosystem were demonstrated. There is evidence of local<br />

depletion of some wild species in areas subject to the heaviest human usage. More<br />

generally, however, exploitation of the forest appears to have remained within the<br />

limits of ecosystem tolerance. The observed nature of the subsistence system<br />

suggested that it could promote local biodiversity through the promotion of gap and<br />

edge habitats. The consequences of this for human use were further explored in in<br />

chapter 6.4, which combined ethnoecological data on the successional process in old<br />

farms with data on the use of favoured species.<br />

Chapter five considered the regulation of resource use, and described<br />

endogenous components of a syncretic belief system incorporating elements of both<br />

traditional and Christian belief systems. Despite the universal adoption of Christianity,<br />

many elements of traditional Wapishana cosmology appear to have been retained.<br />

Specific aspects of this belief system were examined for their potential conservation<br />

functions, but in the absence of data on the ecological consequences of these beliefs<br />

it was possible only to speculate as to whether such functions do indeed exist.<br />

Chapter six was the first of three on ethnoecology. It reported the methods<br />

employed and results obtained in a programme of research on ethnoecological<br />

knowledge about twelve locally occurring species of mammals, for each of which<br />

multiple informants were interviewed. The data set thus generated was rich and<br />

detailed, but exhibited certain limitations. <strong>In</strong> some subject areas little or no<br />

information of biological value was obtained. <strong>In</strong> some cases, information given was<br />

either contradictory across informants or reported at a very low frequency. Critically,<br />

analytical methods that could distinguish reliable and unreliable answers in these<br />

situations were not available. The utility of ethnoecology as a method for generating<br />

ecological data sets was confirmed, but the need to resolve this outstanding

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