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Ethnoecology, Resource Use, Conservation And Development In A ...

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The basis thus exists within the existing social-ecological system for a continuing<br />

reconciliation of subsistence needs and the maintenance of local biodiversity and<br />

ecological processes (cf. Posey et al 1984; Moran 1993b; Hipwell 1998; Berkes<br />

1999). However, the current social-ecological system also appears to be vulnerable,<br />

in various ways, to degradation as a result of change. From within, isolated and small-<br />

scale instances of resource degradation, and of local depletion of certain species,<br />

show the system to be vulnerable to disruption by changes in technology,<br />

subsistence practices, and belief system (cf. Appell 1997). From without, large-scale<br />

changes in land use threaten to affect indigenous land tenure and the broad<br />

ecological context within which it operates (chapters, 2.4, 2,6, 3.1, 3.3). This thesis<br />

is largely concerned with the possible contributions of ethnoecology to the resolution<br />

of the problems thus raised.<br />

The ethnoecological and ecological data sets compared in this study (chapters 6<br />

and 7) are compatible to a large degree (cf. Agrawal 1995), correspond closely in<br />

detail (cf. Townsend 1995; Ponte Johansons 1995; Ferguson et al. 1998; Myrmin et<br />

al. 1999; Huntington et al. 1999), and exhibit features that support the hypothesis<br />

that they are complementary (DeWalt 1994; Kalland 1997). The ethnoecological data<br />

set was limited in certain subject areas amenable to investigation by scientific<br />

methods, and the latter can thus help to fill gaps in the former (Sillitoe 1998;<br />

Donovan and Puri n.d.; Puri 2001). These limitations also caution that ethnoecology is<br />

best employed as a complement to, rather than a substitute for, scientific methods.<br />

The use of ethnoecology in generating baseline data that can form a starting point<br />

for ecological investigation was demonstrated (Posey 1990: 54-55; Townsend<br />

1995), as was the application of existing skills to the collection of ecological data (cf.<br />

Marks 1994, 1996; Hill et al. 1997). The latter also highlights the fact that the type<br />

of explicit knowledge of ecology that forms the core of the data upon which this<br />

thesis is based is not an isolated phenomenon. Rather, it is one outcome of a body of<br />

practices relating to use of the natural environment that is generated by, and thus<br />

depends upon, a particular type of relationship between .a human society and its<br />

natural environment.<br />

The implications of the dependence of ethnoecology upon its social-ecological<br />

context are two-fold. First, the preservation of ethnoecological knowledge systems<br />

depends on the continued integrity of the societies in which it is found. Its<br />

contributions to the resolution of regional, national and global problems can not be<br />

realised if the rights of its bearers to maintain their cultural distinctiveness are not<br />

upheld. Second, ethnoecology can be a tool for the equitable engagement of these

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