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Ethnoecology, Resource Use, Conservation And Development In A ...

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there is a good deal of interhousehold exchange, barter and, less commonly, sale of<br />

goods and services, broadening the spectrum of local resources and techniques of<br />

appropriation effectively available to any individual or household.<br />

4.2 Agriculture<br />

4.2.1 Spatial and social relations of agriculture<br />

Maruranau's agricultural zone spans the breadth of the reservation along the western<br />

edge of the forest. Every household has at least one farm, and often several, except<br />

on rare occasions when adverse circumstances prevent this. These may include a<br />

shortage of cassava sticks and other planting materials owing to estrangement from<br />

the agricultural cycle following a period of emigration or damage of the farm by<br />

predation, drought or flood, ill-health or injury at a crucial time in the agricultural<br />

cycle, or - especially in the highly disrupted climate of the late 1990's - disruption of<br />

the agricultural cycle by unusual patterns of rainfall. Local networks of mutual aid,<br />

especially - but not exclusively - among kin and affines, generally seem to operate in<br />

such circumstances. Other families may supply planting materials or labour, or provide<br />

someone without a farm an opportunity to work co-operatively on theirs. Two<br />

households participating in the survey reported that they had no farm, but each is<br />

exceptional in its own way: one an unmarried female teacher, the other an aged<br />

widow. Both remain highly dependent on local agricultural produce obtained through<br />

trade, barter, or the assistance of relatives.<br />

The farms are located along a number of 'farm roads', trails into the forest along<br />

each of which several families typically have their farms and fallow fields, which form<br />

the basis of the socio-spatial organisation of agriculture. Each road is nominally<br />

owned by a particular individual, whose permission must, strictly, be sought by any<br />

other individual seeking to cut a farm along it. This status is initially conferred upon<br />

the person who first cut the trail; in practice most of the active roads were first cut<br />

by previous generations, and their custody inherited by its current bearers via a<br />

variety of cognatic patterns. A young man 3 may thus have a choice between the<br />

roads used by his father, father-in-law, and perhaps uncles if they farmed in different<br />

places. Immigrants without close sanguinal or affinal connections in their village must<br />

either approach the 'boss man' for the road along which they wish to farm, or (much<br />

less commonly) cut their own road in a new location.

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