Ethnoecology, Resource Use, Conservation And Development In A ...
Ethnoecology, Resource Use, Conservation And Development In A ...
Ethnoecology, Resource Use, Conservation And Development In A ...
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the most interesting questions. Did these people act as ecological mediators,<br />
prescribing patterns of activity that formed adaptive responses to changing<br />
ecological circumstances? <strong>And</strong> if so, what were the mechanisms by which ecological<br />
change was perceived and decisions made as to how to act upon it? Accounts given<br />
by informants in the present study alluded to the use of non-ordinary states of<br />
consciousness to engage with the spiritual entities responsible for regulating human<br />
ecological relations, though unfortunately it appears that thorough documentation of<br />
these practices among the Wapishana may no longer be possible.<br />
<strong>In</strong>triguing as these ideas are, the possibility of determining whether and how the<br />
activities of shamans related to ecological reality appears no longer to exist. The<br />
question of whether Wapishana resource use can be considered to represent a<br />
system of management must therefore be considered in more mundane terms. The<br />
element of conscious individual choice appears to be slight, although it is worth<br />
pointing out that a shaman’s skills are not entirely esoteric, and knowledge of certain<br />
techniques appears to be shared by numerous individuals. Many people are able to<br />
self-regulate their relationships with nature spirits via their own knowledge of<br />
‘blowing’ (chapter 5.2), and regulation of subsistence activities by these methods<br />
appears to include some element of individual choice. However, I found no case in<br />
which people demonstrated any explicit awareness of ecological functions associated<br />
with such activities. If they do encode conservation strategies, these are based on<br />
cultural knowledge encoded implicitly in accepted rules of behaviour, rather than<br />
individual awareness and manipulation of the emergent properties of the subsistence<br />
system.<br />
Some evidence of conscious management was observed in the cases reported<br />
relating to usage of iguana and tortoise (chapter 4.5.1). This was clearly self-<br />
conscious and calculated, based upon the application of ethnoecological knowledge,<br />
and may be regarded as a form of incipient domestication of these species.<br />
Ethnoecological data indicates that large numbers of wild species make use of<br />
human-modified habitats (chapter 6.4). Populations of agoutis (Dasyprocta agouti,<br />
Agouti paca, and Myoprocta acouchy) within the farming area may also be considered<br />
to blur the boundary between wild and domesticated, though in this case no<br />
conscious intent appears to be involved. The dependence on anthropogenic<br />
environments—crops, old farms, and domesticated trees— of all three species found<br />
locally is exceedingly high, according to informants (chapters 6.3.5, 6.3.6). It would<br />
be interesting to make a formal comparative study of their ecology within and outside<br />
the farm area to determine the extent to which distribution, diet, behaviour and