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Ethnoecology, Resource Use, Conservation And Development In A ...

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the most interesting questions. Did these people act as ecological mediators,<br />

prescribing patterns of activity that formed adaptive responses to changing<br />

ecological circumstances? <strong>And</strong> if so, what were the mechanisms by which ecological<br />

change was perceived and decisions made as to how to act upon it? Accounts given<br />

by informants in the present study alluded to the use of non-ordinary states of<br />

consciousness to engage with the spiritual entities responsible for regulating human<br />

ecological relations, though unfortunately it appears that thorough documentation of<br />

these practices among the Wapishana may no longer be possible.<br />

<strong>In</strong>triguing as these ideas are, the possibility of determining whether and how the<br />

activities of shamans related to ecological reality appears no longer to exist. The<br />

question of whether Wapishana resource use can be considered to represent a<br />

system of management must therefore be considered in more mundane terms. The<br />

element of conscious individual choice appears to be slight, although it is worth<br />

pointing out that a shaman’s skills are not entirely esoteric, and knowledge of certain<br />

techniques appears to be shared by numerous individuals. Many people are able to<br />

self-regulate their relationships with nature spirits via their own knowledge of<br />

‘blowing’ (chapter 5.2), and regulation of subsistence activities by these methods<br />

appears to include some element of individual choice. However, I found no case in<br />

which people demonstrated any explicit awareness of ecological functions associated<br />

with such activities. If they do encode conservation strategies, these are based on<br />

cultural knowledge encoded implicitly in accepted rules of behaviour, rather than<br />

individual awareness and manipulation of the emergent properties of the subsistence<br />

system.<br />

Some evidence of conscious management was observed in the cases reported<br />

relating to usage of iguana and tortoise (chapter 4.5.1). This was clearly self-<br />

conscious and calculated, based upon the application of ethnoecological knowledge,<br />

and may be regarded as a form of incipient domestication of these species.<br />

Ethnoecological data indicates that large numbers of wild species make use of<br />

human-modified habitats (chapter 6.4). Populations of agoutis (Dasyprocta agouti,<br />

Agouti paca, and Myoprocta acouchy) within the farming area may also be considered<br />

to blur the boundary between wild and domesticated, though in this case no<br />

conscious intent appears to be involved. The dependence on anthropogenic<br />

environments—crops, old farms, and domesticated trees— of all three species found<br />

locally is exceedingly high, according to informants (chapters 6.3.5, 6.3.6). It would<br />

be interesting to make a formal comparative study of their ecology within and outside<br />

the farm area to determine the extent to which distribution, diet, behaviour and

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