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Ethnoecology, Resource Use, Conservation And Development In A ...

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events was the subject of much concern, particularly as logging concessions covering<br />

vast areas of forest were awarded to enterprises connected with Asian companies,<br />

many of which had histories of wreaking environmental, social and political havoc in<br />

other countries in which they had operated (Colchester 1991).<br />

Almost seventeen thousand square kilometres of forest awarded to the joint<br />

Malaysian-Korean Barama company was estimated to have incorporated the lands of<br />

around 1,200 Amerindian people, including four titled communities and numerous<br />

untitled settlements (Colchester 1994; Forte 1995a: 5). While the presence of the<br />

company brought a much-needed source of employment, some of which went to local<br />

Amerindians, it has also had many negative effects. Barama's activities led to<br />

pollution of water sources, and the company forcibly relocated the community of<br />

Orenoque without providing compensation or adequate replacement housing. By<br />

1997, local objections were sufficient to provoke the lodging with the government of<br />

a petition on behalf of around 4,000 people thus affected (Forest Peoples<br />

Programme 1997).<br />

Outside its concession, Barama has been the source of widespread hardship in at<br />

least one other Amerindian village - Orealla on the Correntyne River - from which it<br />

contracted to buy timber to make up shortfalls in production from its concession<br />

(Henfrey 1995). This community was systematically manipulated and swindled by<br />

Barama, whose practices included claiming to have rejected substantial proportions of<br />

timber loaded onto and transported by their barges while providing no evidence of its<br />

unsuitability, and persistently recording timber volumes substantially less than those<br />

measured by the loggers themselves. As volumes of timber were calculated using a<br />

formula according to which the radius of a log was one quarter of its girth, giving a<br />

result somewhat less than two-thirds of the actual value, the company clearly paid for<br />

only a fraction of the wood it actually received. Foreign timber dealers with whom the<br />

community has dealt with since have turned out to be even more crooked. Orealla's<br />

village captain told me that one buyer, an agent claiming to represent the notorious<br />

Oregon-based timber firm P and S, had defaulted on debts of GYD 20 million for<br />

timber purchases, and around GYD 2 million further in unpaid wages. Appeals by the<br />

community for government assistance led to the former Minister of Amerindian<br />

Affairs abetting the buyer's fraudulent behaviour, the two collaborating in pressuring<br />

village officials into accepting the company's non-payment. Other Amerindian<br />

communities involved in commercial forestry have reported similar experiences (e.g.,<br />

Sizer 1996: 208). Overall, a long-standing historical pattern seems to have been<br />

perpetuated by the changes in the timber industry over the past decade. Amerindian

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