Ethnoecology, Resource Use, Conservation And Development In A ...
Ethnoecology, Resource Use, Conservation And Development In A ...
Ethnoecology, Resource Use, Conservation And Development In A ...
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frequent old farms, and are hunted in these locations, but this seems to be regarded<br />
as largely fortuitous. Ethnoecological data on the plant and animal communities<br />
associated with old farms is presented in chapter 6.4.2. The use of farms and fallows<br />
as hunting areas is discussed more extensively below (chapter 4.2.6). Conscious<br />
manipulation of their composition in order to increase the abundance of either game<br />
or useful plants appear to take place on only a limited scale: some people reported<br />
that they will weed selectively, leaving useful plants such as bishawud.<br />
Unintentional manipulations of forest composition may well be of greater<br />
importance than the deliberate modifications described. Certainly, the ecological<br />
characteristics of anthropogenic secondary forest appear to be important in<br />
subsistence (chapter 4.2.6), even if these do not result from any conscious intent on<br />
the part of farmers. Such a situation is in many ways comparable to that described<br />
among the Guajá and Ka’apor of Maranhão, Brazil. Guajá foraging activities rely<br />
extensively on forests whose composition has undergone significant modification as a<br />
result of the activities of the agriculturalist ancestors of the present-day Ka’apor<br />
(Balée 1993). This does not appear to be the outcome of any intentional habitat<br />
enrichment strategy on their part, but as in the Wapishana case, the utilitarian value<br />
of the habitat has been enhanced as an incidental consequence of their agricultural<br />
activities.<br />
4.2.3 Dietary importance of agriculture<br />
The importance of agriculture in the Wapishana lifestyle reflects its importance in the<br />
diet, as it is the source of almost all carbohydrate. The major crop is bitter cassava<br />
(Manihot esculenta), of which numerous varieties are grown and whose products are<br />
consumed at every meal. Bitter cassava is eaten in a variety of forms, most popular<br />
being a coarse meal known as farina. Manufacture of farina is similar to that of the<br />
cassava bread more familiar among other Amerindan groups in Guyana and elsewhere,<br />
except that during the cooking stage it is placed on a lightly greased pan and<br />
continually agitated with a paddle, rather than being left to bake into a solid loaf.<br />
A typical Wapishana meal consists of farina and a stew made from meat or fish,<br />
seasoned with peppers and cassreep, a condiment produced by boiling down the<br />
poisonous juice extracted from cassava tubers during their processing until it forms a<br />
thick, rich, dark brown sauce. Cassava bread is also commonly eaten, tapioca<br />
(cassava porridge) and starch are used, and the crop is also used to make a variety of<br />
alcoholic beverages. The most popular of these, parakari, is an important social<br />
lubricant and generally features in collective work, especially manurin, although