Seeing clearly: Frame Semantic, Psycholinguistic, and Cross ...

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Chapter 5 What the Dictionaries Say 5.1 Introduction It is important to study the semantics of see based directly on primary data, whether in the form of introspection, corpus searching or experiments. But it would also be foolish to ignore the e orts of professional lexicographers to de ne the word; we should now be able to look at dictionaries and to compare them with the results of the study so far. The rst part of this chapter discusses what English lexicography has to say about the senses of see and the sense divisions that occur in a number of major monolingual English dictionaries; the second part gives some comparisons between the sense divisions in monolingual English dictionaries and those which appear in several bilingual dictionaries (sometimes called translating dictionaries). The relevant sectionsofseveral dictionaries are included in this chapter and discussed in detail; most of the original typography has been preserved, but line breaks have beenintroduced and (in many cases) numbering added so that the reader can follow the discussion more easily. Sincewe are discussing only the sense divisions, the etymologies, pronunciation, and word forms (saw/seen/seeing) are omitted from the entries. For the bilingual dictionaries, we use regular orthography in the case of Spanish, and the national standard romanizations for Chinese and Japanese. Wemust remember that, even though almost every new dictionary is compiled with reference to many existing dictionaries, there are severe constraints on the amount of time and e ort which professional lexicographers can spend on the writing of individual entries for words; the writing of dictionaries (whether mono- or bilingual) is a commercial enterprise in which time spent on lexicographic analysis is a cost and productivity is measured in terms 164
CHAPTER 5. WHAT THE DICTIONARIES SAY 165 of words per day. AsPatrick Hanks puts it, \. . . The enormous cost of compiling a new dictionary, the absurdly long periods for which theinvestment istiedupbeforeany return on it can be expected, the terrible fear that the risk may notpay o , and the resulting pressure to keep the book to a predetermined length (predetermined by marketing considerations, rather than by what needs to be said) are just some of the factors that can all too often combine to sti e initiative in lexicography.. . . " (1992:110) Students of lexical semantics can spend a potentially unlimited amount of time on precise distinctions, but most users of dictionaries will be satis ed if they nd a de nition which applies to the context in which they found the word, without too much concern for omissions and overlaps among senses. Since seeing is a central part of human experience, all languages have words to express varieties of seeing. What is interesting linguistically is what similarities and di er- ences we nd in the patterns of lexicalization across languages. In the domain of motion, for example, it is well known that some languages tend to have motionverbs (or their equiv- alent) that incorporate the direction of motion, while the manner of motion is expressed by another word, whereas other languages have motionverbs that incorporate manner, and the direction of motion is expressed by separate words (Talmy 1985). Other studies have looked at the main verbs of perception across languages. For example, Viberg 1983 examines a wide range of languages, but depends largely on bilingual dictionaries for data. Some of the work of the DELIS project deals with verbs of perception (Heid & Krueger 1994) and is based on a substantial body of corpus data, but is limited to a few European languages, all Indo-European (although substantial variation in lexico- semantic patterning with regard to the complements of verbs of perception is found among those languages). While evidence across two or three languages (especially if they are his- torically or culturally related) does not prove very much, evidence of lexicalization patterns from a range of unrelated languages may o er glimpses of semantic universals in this eld. Since perception and consequent knowledge are part of the shared experience of all people, we would expect to nd generally similar senses across languages. This does not mean that each language will have a single verb of visual perception that will have senses matching all of the senses of English see; wehave already observed that this in not the case. Rather, we expect to nd the notion of inchoative knowing of both concrete and abstract entities and events being conveyed by verbs of (primarily visual and auditory) perception,
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Seeing clearly: Frame Semantic, Psy
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Next three psycholinguistic experim
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BasicSenses........................
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Acknowledgements Careful citations
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acquisition. Aside from needing to
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Chapter 1 Introduction Xue er bu s,
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CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 3 In lingui
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CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 5 Although
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CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 13 L.U. Lex
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CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 19 shows th
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CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 21 Regular
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CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 23 base for
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CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 25 d. The i
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CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 27 (12) a.
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CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 29 linguist
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CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 31 Introspe
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CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 35 they con
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CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 37 meaning
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Chapter 2 A Frame Semantic Analysis
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CHAPTER 2. A FRAME SEMANTIC ANALYSI
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Chapter 3 Other Cognitive Approache
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CHAPTER 6. FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIO
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 239 Bierwisch, Manfred
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 241 ||, & B.T.S. Atkin
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 243 ||. 1990. The inva
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 245 Osgood, C.E. 1970.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 247 Wasow, Thomas. 198
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Appendix A Additional Corpus Exampl
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APPENDIX A. ADDITIONAL CORPUS EXAMP
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APPENDIX A. ADDITIONAL CORPUS EXAMP
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APPENDIX B. SUMMARY OF MORPHOLOGY A
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APPENDIX C. EXPERIMENT 1 257 Recogn
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APPENDIX C. EXPERIMENT 1 259 to lea
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APPENDIX C. EXPERIMENT 1 261 At the
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Appendix D Stimuli for Experiments
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APPENDIX D. STIMULI FOR EXPERIMENTS
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Index activation, 13, 136, 137, 231
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INDEX 277 description, 82 see proce
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INDEX 279 173{178, 186, 190{192, 20
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