WRITING AUTHORITY IN LATE MEDIEVAL ... - Cornell University

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prince justifies tyranny in the same light: “Tan bien los malos príncipes como los buenos han el poderío de Dios…Onde podemos decir… que todos los príncipes tan bien los buenos como los malos son ministros de Dios e de la Iglesia, ca de la mano de la Iglesia tienen e toman el cuchillo” ‘The bad princes as well as the good have dominion from God…from which we can say…that all princes the good as well as the bad are ministers of God and of the Church, because from the hand of the Church they hold and take the sword.’ 282 We might think that this type of “religious” support of the sovereign’s tyrannical actions would be counteracted if the monarch was not a morally aligned with the Church’s interest. Yet even the Church would suffer the apostasy of a king to prevent anarchy. For example, Augustinus Triumphus—a fervent supporter of Papal power over secular rulers—would defend infidel and apostate rulers’ right to their own land even if they rebelled against the Church thusly: “dominium unius super alterum inter beneficia naturalia computatur…talia beneficia naturae omnibus bonis et malis largiatur, quia solem suum oriri facit super bonos et malos, et pluit super iustos et iniustus.” ‘Amidst the natural goods is reckoned the dominium of one over another…it is bestowed to good and evil such goods of nature, because he makes his sun rise over the good and the evil, and it rains over the just and the unjust.’ 283 At worse, the Church’s position was that tyranny and apostasy were forms of divine punishment for the evils of the general populace as Juan Manuel writes in his Libro Infinido: “Et quando el pueblo yerra contra Dios et non le sirven como deven, dales Dios reys torticieros et crueles, et codiciosos et complidores de sus voluntades, et desordenados et destroydores del pueblo. Et tales reys como estos non son llamados reys, mas son llamados tirannos.” ‘And when the people errs against God, and does not serve him like they should, God gives them warped and cruel kings, and 282 Garcia Castrojeriz 2.121-123. 283 Qtd. in Michael Wilks, The Problem of Sovereignty in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge <strong>University</strong> Press, 1963) 415 note 1. 170
desirous and fulfillers of their own wills, and disordered and destroyers of the people. And such kings, like these, are not called kings, but are called tyrants.’ 284 Therefore, the Trastamaran discourse against Pedro was not only novel but it also showed a subtle understanding of this long tradition in not assuming that Pedro’s tyranny and apostasy were sufficient grounds to remove him. As the historian Luís Suárez Fernández has argued, the Trastamaran supporters knew channeled Pedro’s tyranny and apostasy into a third problem—into the illegitimacy of his brand of authority. 285 The rallying cry of Enrique’s supporters synthesized both images of Pedro—as a sinner and as a tyrant—into a third one of him as an enemy: “tirano malo enemigo de Dios e de la su sancta Madre Eglesia” ‘evil tyrant enemy of God and of his holy Mother Church.’ 286 In Trastamaran discourse, Pedro’s evil actions were the embodiment of a form of authority inimical to the very life of the State. For example, the execution of rebellious nobles became specifically the persecution of “hijosdalgos” ‘noble sons,’ and so represented more than murder and despotism but the very peril of ending the state’s future by killing its progeny. Pedro’s disfavor of older nobles, more than unjust or prideful, was represented as the banishment of the State’s very blood by the extermination of entire noble lines. His unpopular taxes were not only attacked as the bypassing of Castile’s legislative body, the Cortes, or the refusal of charity to the poor but as a denial of the state’s nourishment. Even the most effective accusation against him, his personal favor to Moors and Jews did not suffice as a lone attack against the king but had to be framed as support for Moorish and Jewish “enemies” of the State even when such “enemies” had long safe guarded the state’s borders and served as its financiers. Pedro was not 284 Juan Manuel 138. 285 Suárez Fernández Monarquía 25. 286 See Vicente Álvarez Palenzuela, Historia de España de la Edad Media (Barcelona: Ariel, 2002) 670-671 and Valdeon Baruque 96-98. 171
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VOICE AND MEANING: WRITING AUTHORIT
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VOICE AND MEANING: WRITING AUTHORIT
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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Juan David Sier
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to fi
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INTRODUCTION Although the following
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Italian examples without incorporat
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Martínez which led to the Anti-Jew
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literary masterpiece, a manual of a
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elated to the taking of “infidel
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the last two chapters of this disse
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CHAPTER I COLONIAL HERMENEUTICS: IN
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However, by the fifteenth-century,
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sermonis” was true based upon the
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undeniable that both thinkers are a
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in the Epistle to the Hebrews invol
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Clement VI’s dispensation of the
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asked other Christian authorities t
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end, therefore, requires a particul
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Hostiensis. Hostiensis, commenting
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If the representational status of s
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This catalogue of colonial conquest
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this system from their experience a
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Perhaps, the main change in the Pap
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‘speech’ could stand for the fo
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Word into flesh and hence cannot ho
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is not to say that they are not hum
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creature; the old things passed, an
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Because he understands the authorit
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communicability from which infidels
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such, claiming that natural authori
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tamen laicus ante aliquam constitut
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Augustine reminds Vincentius: “No
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falsify their own name since the la
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causa, quare homo Christus sublimat
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angle, as the rays are declined in
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ad ovile Domini induci valeant, fau
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them and keep them thirsting withou
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“prevaricacione” ‘distortion/
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In Eugene’s lament over these act
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such, the Pope who, lacking the pow
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et utinam non fuisset factum, nec g
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CHAPTER II IBERIAN GOWER: TRANSLATI
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of today’s condition has overcome
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From this vantage point, the legibi
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classical or exegetical tradition,
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work, a translator rarely credited
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creation of the poem insufficiently
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Portugal) and other works of litera
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We can understand why Gower would b
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Daniel and Nebuchadnezzar are conjo
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heart only a shadow, so to speak, o
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sure, but in the Chaldee language,
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sermo” ‘you redeem time knowing
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importantly, he speaks by means of
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4. “Oure Tyme among ous”: Gower
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amorem et amantum condiciones funda
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in hearing moral fables in English
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Further, this image was a common ty
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word “tractatum” figuratively a
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eginning with its head before ever
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At first glance, this difference of
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the world’ through the figuration
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the verse literally ties reality to
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Page 149 and 150: CHAPTER III CASTILE: STORIES WITHOU
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Page 191 and 192: 7. Past Truth: Experiencing Time in
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Page 213 and 214: CHAPTER IV ENGLAND: TRANSLATIONS WI
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authority in fifteenth-century Engl
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‘advice’ and would justify Trev
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immutable and eternal things. Indee
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purpose from the generalized logica
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advice is. In short, citation makes
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is maintained although knowing the
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translation as Somerset implies. 38
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English does not have legitimacy as
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In this frame, the terms “dyamete
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his daily surveying practices and w
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terms allude to an idea foreign to
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difficult to transliterate and then
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suggests that he requested Trevisa
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could give its owner the ability to
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Coriolanus. The scribal use of “T
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Trevisa’s translations were not d
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speche vor to lurne. So men of ser
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Dominus’s arguments repeat Paul
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Prophecy and English, then, affect
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is that the word of God has a parti
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concept—his language is true simp
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Justin’s Epitome of the Philippic
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outside “natural” attributes, o
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confused, and from there, the Lord
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etween meaning and representation,
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narratives) parallels similar conce
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Writing allows Voice to seem univer
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Belch, Stanislaus. Paulus Vladimiri
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Dagenais, John. The Ethics of Readi
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Fowler, David. The Life and Times o
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Kinkade, Berte. The English Transla
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---. Popes, Lawyers, and Infidels.
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Russell, Peter E. “El Descubrimie
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Waters Bennett, Josephine. “Brita
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WRITING AUTHORITY IN LATE MEDIEVAL ... - Cornell University

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