Beate Dignas & Engelbert Winter - Kaveh Farrokh

74 3 Military confrontations
many had died and even more had been wounded. For the Romans had not been
cowards but had in a way also inflicted great harm on their enemy; moreover,
they had been inferior only because they were fewer in number. (6) In fact, almost
the same number of soldiers had fallen on both sides and the surviving barbarian
soldiers seemed to have won because of their number and not their force. A clear
indicator of the barbarian losses is the fact that they remained quiet for three or
four years and did not take up arms. When Alexander found out about this, he
decided to stay in Antioch; he became more optimistic and lost his fear, and as he
was relieved from his concerns about the war he relaxed and enjoyed the pleasures
of the city.
Herodian describes the situation after hostilities had ceased in the summer
of the year 233. While the Roman emperor Severus Alexander spent his time
in Antioch preparing an army for a new attack, he received the news that
the Sasanian king had dismissed his soldiers because the Persians had also
suffered great losses. Herodian’s comments – in particular his remark on
the equal numbers of soldiers who had died on both sides – are surprising
because this passage is preceded by a detailed account of the hostilities which
clearly describes a crushing Roman defeat. 11 The author’s psychological
characterisation of the Roman emperor tends to be rather schematic. We
therefore have to apply caution with regard to Herodian’s claim that Severus
Alexander’s dithering and timid behaviour provoked resentment within the
Roman army. 12 However, in spite of inconsistencies in the author’s report it
looks as if Herodian observed an ‘undecided’ outcome, which means that
matters in the East were not yet settled. 13
It is difficult to assess the historical accuracy of Herodian’s narrative. In
particular authors of the fourth and fifth centuries evaluate the outcome
of the fighting differently and talk about a great Roman victory. 14 They do
not mention Severus Alexander’s difficult situation. The biography of the
emperor in the Historia Augusta, especially, presents him as the triumphant
victor. This so-called collection of the Scriptores Historiae Augustae includes
thirty biographies of Roman emperors and usurpers that cover the time
period from Hadrian to Numerianus. The biographies were all composed
by the same pagan author towards the end of the fourth century (?) and
were not, as they purport to be, a collection of biographies written by
six authors during the reigns of Diocletian and Constantine the Great. 15
11 Herodian vi.5.5–10.
12 Ibid. vi.5.8 and vi.6.1; on Herodian’s tendency to accept stereotypical characterisations and to distort
his material along these lines see Zimmermann 1999a: esp. 321–9.
13 Winter 1988: 63–8. 14 Fest. 22; Aur. Vict. Caes. 24.2.7.; Eutr. viii.23; Oros. vii.17.7.
15 On this collection of Latin imperial biographies see especially the commentaries written by an
international team of scholars and published as Alföldi, Straub and Rosen 1964–91 and Bonamente,
Duval and Paschoud 1991; for further bibliographical references see Johne 1998: 639–40; Birley 1976
with an English translation.