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Beate Dignas & Engelbert Winter - Kaveh Farrokh

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16 1 To the beginning of the third century<br />

The king’s refusal led to war. 43 Caracalla’s request was certainly unrealistic<br />

and the Roman emperor may have anticipated the refusal in his political calculations.<br />

Nevertheless, Herodian’s account of the situation is revealing. 44<br />

It mentions a Roman embassy dispatched to propose the marriage to the<br />

Parthian king. The ambassadors claimed that if the empires of the Romans<br />

and the Parthians, which in their words were the greatest of the world, were<br />

no longer separated by a river and frontier but formed a single empire, no<br />

opposition would arise because the other barbarian nations would be an<br />

easy prey to these. Although we have to be cautious when using Herodian<br />

as a historical source, his ideas reflect contemporary views and throw light<br />

on the relations between the two single great powers at the beginning of<br />

the third century. 45<br />

Caracalla’s war of aggression is therefore surprising. In order to explain<br />

his political goals, in particular the dream of succeeding Alexander the<br />

Great, 46 we have to take into account the character and personality of this<br />

Roman emperor. After Caracalla’s assassination, his successor Macrinus<br />

(217–18) immediately announced that his predecessor had done wrong by<br />

the Parthians and restored peace. In 218, after a battle fought at Nisibis<br />

during which both sides suffered heavy losses, a treaty was signed. According<br />

to Herodian, the Roman emperor Macrinus was delighted about having<br />

won the Iranian opponent as a reliable friend. 47<br />

Be that as it may, until its downfall the Parthian kingdom was and<br />

remained an openly acknowledged serious opponent, who required constant<br />

Roman vigilance. 48 Internal developments in Iran made it impossible<br />

to intensify Roman–Parthian relations and to strengthen emerging signs of<br />

an international law. In 224 the rise of the Sasanians, fostered, to be sure,<br />

by the confrontations and tensions between Parthians and Romans during<br />

the first two decades of the third century, led to the fall of Arsacid rule.<br />

Modern scholars long underestimated the Arsacid dynasty and regarded<br />

Parthian–Roman relations solely from the Roman perspective. Inevitably,<br />

scholars did not acknowledge an ‘active’ Western policy on the part of<br />

the Arsacids. Above all the many works of G. Wolski 49 have opened the<br />

discussion to new views, and the era of the Parthian kings within the<br />

43 The historicity of Caracalla’s plans is controversial; see Ziegler 1964: 132–4.<br />

44 Herodian iv.10.2–4.<br />

45 Ziegler 1964: 133–40.<br />

46 On Caracalla’s imitatio Alexandri see Cass. Dio lxxviii.7.1–4; Herodian iv.8.1–3.<br />

47 Herodian v.1.4.<br />

48 There has been a lively scholarly discussion regarding the goals and character of Rome’s military and<br />

strategic policy along the Eastern frontier of the empire. Cf. Luttwak 1976; MacMullen 1976; Isaac<br />

1989: 231–4; 1992 and Zyromski 1998.<br />

49 Wolski 1966: 65–89; 1976: 195–214; 1985: 163–73; 1983b: 137–49.

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