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Beate Dignas & Engelbert Winter - Kaveh Farrokh

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34 Legitimate rule and the ‘family of kings’ 239<br />

preserved. ‘Chosroes believes that both Empires are of divine right, designed<br />

by eternal providence for protection of civilization and foreseen in its plan as<br />

the lights in the firmament.’ 27 At the end of his letter, Xusrō calls himself the<br />

son of the emperor28 and thereby tries to evoke the concept of the ‘family of<br />

kings’ as well as to take advantage of the good personal relationship between<br />

the rulers of both empires. Although a ‘fictive’ father-son relationship may<br />

suggest a difference in status, the possibility of this diplomatic gesture<br />

implies an equal rank between the two rulers. It is remarkable that Maurice<br />

does not fail to pick up on Xusrō’s preferred ‘scenario’ and in a subsequent<br />

letter also addresses the king as his son. 29<br />

After he had sent the letter to Maurice, Xusrō also dispatched ambassadors<br />

with specific proposals for the negotiations. Again the ambassadors<br />

appealed to the emperor’s disposition towards solidarity with the king as<br />

the legitimate Persian ruler. They acknowledged that through the design of<br />

the rebel Bahrām Čōbīn the great Persian Empire was close to its downfall<br />

but argued that the Romans would display a lack of sense if they wished this<br />

to happen. 30 They continued their speech with the following explanation:<br />

Theophylact Simocatta iv.13.7–21<br />

(7) For one power alone is not able to shoulder the immense burden of taking<br />

care of the organisation of the universe and one man’s pulse is not able to steer<br />

everything created under the sun. (8) For unlike the oneness of the divine and first<br />

rule it is not ever within us to take the earth, which is in a state opposed to that<br />

of the order above, steered here and there towards the unstable by human beings<br />

who by nature are in a state of flux, and whose views are most useless because of<br />

their convergence towards the worse . . . (13) What luck would it then bring to the<br />

Romans, if the Persians are deprived of their power and hand over their rule to<br />

another tribe? What mark of honour would the Romans acquire for themselves, if<br />

they reject as suppliant a king who is the most illustrious and bravest of all kings<br />

on earth? . . . (15) How will you accomplish anything more worthy of a king than<br />

this during your entire time of your rule?. . . (20) We have learnt that the usurper<br />

has also sent ambassadors to you, asking to have as a partner the one who has<br />

not committed any fault and cleverly devising all but that a ruler together with<br />

a fugitive slave carry out a revolution. What could be more inglorious and more<br />

abominable than this for the Romans? (21) What kind of foundation of your trust<br />

will he sustain for his promises, a man who has principles of greatest unfairness<br />

and who has mobilised a force against his benefactors, who endorses every kind<br />

of evil-doing in order that he may deprive of his monarchy a ruler who has not<br />

committed any injustice?<br />

27 Higgins 1941: 309.<br />

28 Theoph. Simoc. iv.11.11; according to Theoph. Chron. A.M. 6081 (p. 266, 13, ed. De Boor) Xusrō II<br />

had been adopted by Maurice.<br />

29 Theoph. Simoc. v.3.11; see also Theoph. 266.13. 30 Theoph. Simoc. iv.13.5–6.

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