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Beate Dignas & Engelbert Winter - Kaveh Farrokh

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34 Legitimate rule and the ‘family of kings’ 241<br />

events of the years 590/91. According to Tabarī Xusrō II became extremely<br />

angry when it was reported to him how the Romans had betrayed Maurice<br />

and killed him. He received Maurice’s son, who had fled to him, crowned<br />

him and declared him the new monarch of the Romans. 36 Theophylact<br />

Simocatta explicitly states that for Xusrō Phocas’ usurpation dissolved the<br />

good relationship between Romans and Persians and triggered war. 37 From<br />

a king’s perspective, just as the monarchy in the Sasanian Empire had been<br />

threatened in 590/91 by a usurper, Phocas’ activities and reign of terror in<br />

602 questioned the imperial rule and asked for solidarity between legitimate<br />

rulers. Xusrō’s decision to go to war against Phocas triggered the last great<br />

confrontation between Romans and Persians (15).<br />

There is no doubt that until its downfall the Sasanian Empire remained<br />

the natio molestissima for Rome – which ultimately had to be destroyed. 38<br />

One of the main reasons for this was the fact that the Sasanians rejected<br />

Rome’s claim for universal rule. 39 However, a Sasanian ‘King of kings’<br />

could be acknowledged and respected by a Roman emperor as a much<br />

honoured equal, and this status was not threatened by the universal claims<br />

of the world power Rome. The West and the East shared a basic consensus<br />

regarding a legitimacy of rule, and this not only manifested itself as a strong<br />

ideology of rule but could turn into ‘Realpolitik’ – certainly carrying force<br />

as a political argument. Ultimately this consensus therefore facilitated the<br />

emergence of an international law binding sovereign states on the basis of<br />

principles that are still applied today.<br />

36 Tabarī, tr. Nöldeke 290; Bosworth 317 (1002).<br />

37 However, at the very end of his work Theoph. Simoc. (viii.15.7) states as explicitly that the events<br />

in Byzantium were merely a pretext for Xusrō II in order to open war against the West; cf. Garsoïan<br />

1983: 578 and Blockley 1985a: 74.<br />

38 Amm. xxiii.5.19. 39 See the commentary on 1 and 2.

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