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Beate Dignas & Engelbert Winter - Kaveh Farrokh

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196 6 Shared interests: Continuing conflicts<br />

via Central Asia, Horāsān and Northern Persia to Mesopotamia from where<br />

the goods could then be shipped to the Black Sea and the Mediterranean. 114<br />

Trade relations between the Graeco-Roman world and the Far East and<br />

India existed already during the early Principate. In late antiquity these<br />

contacts intensified.<br />

Until late in the third century the most important trade route from the<br />

Persian Gulf to the centres of the Roman province of Syria and the Mediterranean<br />

ports followed the river Euphrates. 115 There are early attestations to<br />

the transport of goods to Nikēphorion-Kallinikos via the Euphrates, and<br />

from there to the markets in Edessa, Batnai or Harran, from where the<br />

merchants transported their merchandise to the Mediterranean centres. 116<br />

Isidorus of Charax, who was a geographer of the Augustan period, gives<br />

us a detailed description of the major trade routes and bases for supplies.<br />

According to the author the traffic of goods went from the Parthian capital<br />

Seleucia on the Tigris/Ktēsiphōn to the Roman Empire via the trading<br />

centres along the Euphrates, namely Neapolis, Anath, 117 Bēlesi Biblada, 118<br />

Phaliga, Nikēphorion, to Zeugma. 119<br />

The intense trade between the Far East, India and the Persian Gulf did<br />

not cease after the fall of Hatra (22) and Palmyra (23); Persian traders<br />

themselves participated in the lucrative trade with India. 120 After 273 at the<br />

latest, possibly already after the fall of Hatra, the traffic of goods may have<br />

shifted towards the Tigris river, and as a result this waterway, which so far<br />

had been rather insignificant for trade purposes, became much more attractive.<br />

121 This view is supported by the decision of 298 to make Nisibis the<br />

only centre for an exchange of goods. 122 Because of a lack of archaeological<br />

investigation along the Tigris we do not have any immediate testimonies<br />

for such a ‘shift’ of trade but new studies show that there were significant<br />

demographic movements from the Hatrene towards the Tigris. 123 Intensified<br />

settlement patterns throughout late antiquity can be observed also<br />

114 Bivar 1970: 1–11.<br />

115 See Young 2001: 188–90.<br />

116 Chaumont 1984: 63–107.<br />

117 Kennedy 1986: 103–4 and Kennedy and Northedge 1988: 6–8.<br />

118 Kennedy and Riley 1990: 224–5.<br />

119 Isid. of Charax Mansiones Parthicae 1; on this source see Chaumont 1984: 63–107 and Luther 1997:<br />

237–42.<br />

120 Williams 1972: 97–109; Whitehouse and Williamson 1973: 29–49; Whitehouse 1996: 339–49 and<br />

Morony 2004: 184–8.<br />

121 This development also affected strategic considerations; according to Amm. xxiii.3.1 before embarking<br />

on his Persian campaign Julian had to decide at Carrhae whether to take the route along the<br />

Tigris or along the Euphrates.<br />

122 See Millar 1996: 483–4, who argues that the peace of 298 indicates a possible shift of trade from the<br />

Euphrates to the Tigris.<br />

123 Hauser 2000: 187–201.

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