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Beate Dignas & Engelbert Winter - Kaveh Farrokh

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25 Proxy policy’: Lahmids and Gassānids 171<br />

the activities of the Roman troops and to raid Sasanian territory. 105 As he<br />

was much feared by the Romans, these planned their activities carefully<br />

around possible attacks by Alamoundaros. 106 Moreover the Ghassanids<br />

and Lahmids fought each other directly without any Roman or Persian<br />

involvement. 107<br />

Procopius indicates that the great powers used the Arabian allies merely<br />

as a means to an end in order to pursue their own military interests.<br />

Procopius, De bello Persico ii.1.1–5<br />

(1) Shortly after Xusrō (I) learnt that Belisarius had also started to win over Italy<br />

for the emperor Justinian, 108 and – although he was no longer able to conceal his<br />

plans – wanted to find a way how to break the peace treaty by way of a clever excuse.<br />

(2) He took counsel with Alamoundaros in the matter and instructed him to come<br />

up with reasons for a war. (3) The latter then accused Arethas of having violated<br />

borderland, started hostilities in spite of the peace and in this way attempted to<br />

attack Roman territory. (4) He claimed that he himself was not violating the peace<br />

treaty between the Persians and Romans because neither of the two parties had<br />

included him in the peace. (5) And this was true because not in a single instance<br />

were the Saracens, as they were subsumed under the name ‘Persians’ or ‘Romans’,<br />

named in the declarations.<br />

Apparently Xusrō I wanted an excuse for a new war with Byzantium. In<br />

540 – when Justinian seemed occupied with activities in the West – he<br />

thus provoked confrontations between the Lahmids and Ghassanids. The<br />

Persian ruler did not perceive this as a violation of the so-called ‘eternal<br />

peace’ (eirēnē peras ouk echousa), 109 which had been concluded shortly before<br />

between Byzantium and the Sasanian Empire, because the treaty of 532 did<br />

not explicitly mention the Arabian allies. 110 In this way the two powers,<br />

who were each striving for strategic advantages, had retained their liberty to<br />

move. In practice, however, the attacks of Alamoundaros, who accused his<br />

opponent Arethas of violations of the border, became the casus belli and in<br />

540 this led to the outbreak of the second Byzantine–Sasanian War in the<br />

sixth century. 111 In light of these events it is even more remarkable that the<br />

105 Ibid. ii.19.11–18. 106 Ibid. ii.16.17.<br />

107 Ibid. ii.28.12–14; on these activities, of which the great powers in general approved, see Vasiliev<br />

1950: 274–83; Rubin 1960: 272–3 and 310–11 and Shahîd 1971b: 240–2.<br />

108 In 535, after the victory over the empire of the Vandals in North Africa (533/4), the most powerful<br />

of Justinian’s generals, Belisarius, was put in charge of the war against the Eastern Goths in Italy.<br />

After several victories in southern Italy he entered Rome on 10 December 536.<br />

109 Proc. BP i.22.3; cf. also the references in Luther 1997: 219 n. 425.<br />

110 On the foedus of 532 see Güterbock 1906: 37–56 and Greatrex 1998: 213–21.<br />

111 On the events of the year 540 see Greatrex 1998: 218–21.

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