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Beate Dignas & Engelbert Winter - Kaveh Farrokh

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26 Armenia 187<br />

Edessa and the surrounding area at the beginning of the sixth century<br />

as well as the history of the Sasanian Empire during the reigns of Pērōz,<br />

Balāˇs, Kavādh I and ˇ Gāmāsp. 61 The passage throws light on the inner<br />

affairs of Greater Armenia, 62 which were closely linked to the increasingly<br />

complex and difficult foreign policy of the Sasanian Empire. Here, the<br />

growing threat in the East by the Hephthalites affected internal affairs. The<br />

‘crisis’ reached a first peak when in the summer of 484 the Hephthalites<br />

defeated the Persians and killed King Pērōz (459–84). The situation was<br />

exacerbated by severe financial problems. According to Joshua the Stylite<br />

the two successors of Pērōz, Balāˇs (484–8) and Kavādh I (488–97/499–<br />

531) were forced to approach the Western opponent and ask for gold from<br />

the imperial treasury. Kavādh’s aggressive tone was unmistakable – the<br />

king threatened Byzantium with war should his request be turned down. 63<br />

Nevertheless, both Zeno and his successor Anastasius refused the desired<br />

financial support.<br />

Unrest in Armenia was thus also an expression of the internal problems<br />

of the Sasanian Empire at the beginning of the rule of Kavādh I, which led<br />

to confrontations with various peoples along the borders of the empire. 64<br />

Joshua the Stylite specifically points to the Armenian unwillingness to<br />

accept Persian attempts to convert them to the Zoroastrian faith. 65 The<br />

destructions of the fire temples – symbols of Persian rule – and the assassination<br />

of numerous Magians by Armenians triggered war. Initial Sasanian<br />

attempts to consolidate their rule by military action were unsuccessful.<br />

It is not a coincidence that the upheavals in Armenia were accompanied<br />

by the Armenians’ desire to establish diplomatic contacts with Byzantium<br />

and to procure Roman protection, a scenario that once more illustrates<br />

Armenia’s delicate role between the two great powers. Ultimately, if there<br />

was such ‘conscious’ reasoning, Armenia could only ‘survive’ through an<br />

alliance with either of the two opponents. Anastasius, however, refused any<br />

help for Armenia because from a Persian perspective this could have been<br />

viewed as an intervention in Sasanian affairs and thus a valid reason for war.<br />

The emperor’s decision reflects an attitude that applies to the fifth century<br />

as a whole, namely for Byzantium to hold back along the Eastern frontier<br />

of the empire rather than to risk any aggressive behaviour towards the<br />

Eastern opponent. Armenia was thus left to its own devices. The Armenians’<br />

attempt to ally themselves with Rome had also been motivated by religion<br />

61 Cf. Luther 1997: 1–4. 62 For the general background see Thomson 2000: 662–77.<br />

63 Ios. Styl. 18 and 19. 64 Luther 1997: 145.<br />

65 On the rigorous Sasanian religious policy in Armenia under Yazdgard II and Pērōz see Chaumont<br />

1987a: 429–30.

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