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Beate Dignas & Engelbert Winter - Kaveh Farrokh

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33 The sixth and seventh centuries 227<br />

(488–97/499–531). In his speech the bishop accused the monophysites in the<br />

Sasanian Empire of being traitors because, as he argued, their faith and rites<br />

resembled those of their fellow-believers in the Roman Empire. Kavādh I<br />

reacted by giving instructions to persecute all orthodox monophysites in<br />

his empire. 89 Similarly revealing are the words with which Barsauma, 90<br />

one of the most influential Christians in Persia during the fifth century,<br />

addressed king Pērōz (459–84), ‘Only if the faith of the Christians in the<br />

lands of the Greeks is different will their heart and mind focus on you.’ 91<br />

Moreover, the Nestorian Arabic Chronicle of Se‘ert in its own characteristic<br />

way reflects the close relationship between the Persian Christians and<br />

the Sasanian monarchy. 92 Not least the fact that the Sasanian rulers made<br />

use of Christian bishops as advisors and ambassadors (35) illustrates their<br />

privileged role at the Persian court. 93<br />

Xusrō II (590–628), who owed his throne to the Christian emperor<br />

Maurice (582–602), once more issued a statement to the Christians in<br />

which he allowed them to build churches and permitted anybody with the<br />

exception of the Magians to adopt the Christian faith. According to Tabarī<br />

he did so by referring to the agreement of the foedus of 562. In this context<br />

the author also points out that in 562 the Byzantine emperor had promised<br />

to treat the Sasanians in the Roman Empire well and to allow them to<br />

establish fire sanctuaries. 94 The pro-Christian attitude of Xusrō II 95 is also<br />

nicely illustrated through a remarkable episode recorded by the Byzantine<br />

historian Theophylact Simocatta:<br />

Theophylact Simocatta v.14.1–10<br />

(1) In the third year, 96 however, he even approached Sergius, a man who had been<br />

most active in Persia, that a child by Seirem be given to him. When not much later<br />

this had indeed happened for him, he once more fairly rewarded his benefactor<br />

with gifts. He dispatched a letter, written in Greek. Word for word, the letter read<br />

as follows:<br />

(2) ‘To the great martyr Sergius, Xusrō, King of kings. I, Xusrō, King of kings,<br />

son of Xusrō, have sent the gifts together with the patten not for men to see, and<br />

not in order that from my words the greatness of your most sacred name shall be<br />

89 Joh. Eph. Lives, PO 17.142; see also the references in Greatrex and Lieu 2002: 52.<br />

90 See also above, p. 36 with n. 95.<br />

91 According to Barhebraeus Chron. eccl. iii.65.16–7; cf. Wiesehöfer 2001: 296.<br />

92 See e.g. PO vii.2.147.5 (Scher).<br />

93 See in general Sako 1986 and below, pp. 250–1 (35).<br />

94 Tabarī, tr. Nöldeke, p. 287; Bosworth 314 (1000).<br />

95 On Xusrō’s attitude towards Christianity see McCullough 1982: 157–62; on the situation of the<br />

Persian Christians in the sixth and seventh centuries see also Brock 1982: 18–19.<br />

96 This is the third year after Xusrō II took over the throne, i.e. 27 June 592 to 27 June 593; for a<br />

discussion of this dating see Schreiner 1985: 318 nn. 766–7.

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