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Beate Dignas & Engelbert Winter - Kaveh Farrokh

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5 ˇ Sāpūr I at war with Rome 79<br />

sources. 31 These talk about Gordian III’s victorious activities against the<br />

Persians and emphasise that the emperor’s successor, the praetorian prefect<br />

Philip the Arab, was responsible for Gordian’s death. 32 They do not<br />

mention the battle of Miˇsīk. The ˇ Sāpūr Inscription alone does not suffice<br />

in order to question the entire Western tradition but as the account<br />

was composed very soon after the events it cannot be dismissed easily.<br />

This is even more so if we consider that the Western authors did<br />

not have access to immediate eyewitness accounts but were based on<br />

older sources of the third century. 33 There is no doubt that the battle<br />

of Miˇsīk did in fact take place. 34 As it was typical in Eastern historiography<br />

to record only victorious events, the battle at Rhesaina does not<br />

appear. Western historiography shows the same tendency by on the one<br />

hand ignoring the battle of Miˇsīk, but on the other mentioning the confrontation<br />

at Rhesaina and referring to the successful Persian campaign of<br />

Gordian III.<br />

The ˇ Sāpūr Inscription was composed within thirty years of the events of<br />

244 and we may assume that it would have harmed ˇ Sāpūr’s credibility to<br />

deliberately create a false account; this could not have been in the Sasanian<br />

ruler’s interest. The rock relief at Bīˇsāpūr also confirms that Gordian III<br />

met his death in the context of the Persian–Roman confrontations (fig. 6). 35<br />

The figure lying under the hoofs of ˇ Sāpūr’s horse has been identified as<br />

Gordian III, and on the Sasanian triumphal reliefs a prostrate figure always<br />

symbolises a dead opponent. 36<br />

Admittedly, neither the Res gestae divi Saporis nor the representation on<br />

the relief at Bīˇsāpūr reveal whether the emperor actually died on the battlefield<br />

or as the result of a wound he had incurred during the battle. Perhaps<br />

the inscription and the visual representation were consciously designed in<br />

an ambiguous way in order to insinuate that ˇ Sāpūr I was prepared to take<br />

responsibility for the emperor’s death. Gordian’s death was a triumph for<br />

the king, which he used in his imperial propaganda. Why would ˇ Sāpūr<br />

31 SHA Gord. 29–30; Eutr. ix.2–3; Fest. 22; Zos. i.18–19; Oros. vii.19; on the element of propaganda<br />

in the Res gestae divi Saporis see Rubin 1998: 177–85.<br />

32 On the circumstances of Gordian’s death see Oost 1958: 106–7; <strong>Winter</strong> 1988: 83–97; Bleckmann<br />

1992: 66–78; Schottky 1994: 232–5; Körner 2002: 77–92.<br />

33 York 1972: 320–32 and MacDonald 1981: 502–8.<br />

34 Maricq and Honigmann 1953: 111–22; at first, it was difficult to locate the place referred to in the ˇ Sāpūr<br />

Inscription; today it is fairly certain that Miˇsīk, which was later called Pērōz- ˇ Sāpūr (= ‘victorious is<br />

ˇSāpūr’) is al-Anbār of the Muslim period and situated on the left bank of the Euphrates as far north<br />

as Baghdad; for the date and outcome of the battle cf. also Gignoux 1991a: 9–22.<br />

35 Apart from the bibliographical references in n. 27 see also the monographs (i–vi) on Bīˇsāpūr that<br />

have appeared in the series ‘Iranische Denkmäler’.<br />

36 Cf. Göbl 1974: 12.

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