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Beate Dignas & Engelbert Winter - Kaveh Farrokh

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240 8 Emperor and King of Kings<br />

M. Whitby summarises the ambassadors’ appeal as ‘a rhetorical expansion<br />

of the themes of Chosroe’s letter (iv 11)’. 31 Apparently the rhetoric worked:<br />

the emperor granted Xusrō II the requested support and declared war on<br />

Bahrām. The reasoning behind the decision is revealing:<br />

Theophylact Simocatta iv.14.2<br />

. . . because the emperor thought it unworthy of Latin rule to provide arms for<br />

criminals and to brave danger for what was not good just because of the number<br />

of promises, and that the Romans would follow the most shameful principle and<br />

be branded with immortal blame for ever.<br />

It was thus the idea of legitimate rule that led Maurice to support whom<br />

he saw as the lawful leader against a rebel who had claimed the throne<br />

on false grounds. The emperor must have been confident that his principles<br />

would have applied also to his own rule as the legitimate heir of the<br />

Justinian dynasty. In the spring of 591 Xusrō II mustered Byzantine troops<br />

and embarked on a campaign against Bahrām Čōbīn.32 The subsequent<br />

military confrontations in the Sasanian Empire led to the fall of Bahrām<br />

Čōbīn, who fled to the court of the Turkish Khagan where he was assassinated<br />

shortly after. 33 The legitimate Sasanian ruler was restored to the<br />

throne and a formal peace was finally concluded between Rome and Persia,<br />

who had been at war since 572. 34<br />

During the following years Maurice and Xusrō II appear much more<br />

committed to each other than they would have been through the peace<br />

agreements alone. The close personal relations between the two rulers outlived<br />

the short phase of the united campaign against the rebel on the Persian<br />

throne, and the ideological consequences are striking. ‘Previous to 590,<br />

Rome claimed exclusive dominance of the earth; thenceforth she agreed to<br />

divide the world into two equal shares. She reserved the West for herself, the<br />

East she assigned to Persia. Her eternal enemy was to become her eternal<br />

friend, each with a distinctive outlook on life, each with a peculiar culture<br />

and civilization.’ 35 This situation, however, was as fragile as the life of each<br />

of the two rulers.<br />

When in the year 602 Maurice was assassinated by Phocas, Xusrō II went<br />

to war against Byzantium. His decision corresponds with his close bond<br />

to his former benefactor Maurice and shows remarkable parallels with the<br />

31 Whitby 1988: 121 n. 50.<br />

32 On the joining of Roman and Persian troops and the decisive battle at Ganzaka see Theoph. Sim.<br />

v.11–12; on the date of the battle see Higgins 1939: 53–4.<br />

33 On the events in the Sasanian Empire, the flight and end of Bahrām Čōbīn see Christensen 1944:<br />

445.<br />

34 On the peace of 591 see Greatrex and Lieu 2002: 174–5. 35 Higgins 1941: 314–15.

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