Beate Dignas & Engelbert Winter - Kaveh Farrokh

22 Hatra 153
and via Singara and Edessa to Zeugma and the river Euphrates, became
exceptionally popular. This route was controlled by the desert stronghold of
Hatra, which flourished especially during the course of the second century. 3
Although Cassius Dio claims that Hatra was still insignificant during the
reign of Trajan, neither large nor prosperous, a city in the middle of the
desert and with little and bad water, 4 his statements somewhat disagree with
Hatra’s impressive temples that were built in the early imperial period. 5
The idea that Hatra did not participate in any significant long-distance
trade but owed its wealth to its role as a religious centre within the region
is not supported by our evidence. 6 Hatra certainly lay on and profited
from the trade route – already described by Strabo – that crossed the
Euphrates at Zeugma and went from Mesopotamia to Babylon. 7 Not least
the unsuccessful attacks against the city by Trajan and Septimius Severus in
the years 117 and 198/9 illustrate the powerful position Hatra had acquired
by this time. 8
The economic and political rise of Hatra 9 is also closely linked to the
administrative structures of the Parthian kingdom. 10 As early as in the first
century Western observers viewed the Arsacid Empire as joint regna rather
than a unified state. 11 Especially in the course of the second century Hatra
became less dependent from Parthia and instead a loose client relationship
with the Arsacid dynasty developed. 12 The increased autonomy is illustrated
by the fact that the lords of Hatra, who previously had called themselves
‘Sir’ (māryā), now adopted the royal title (malkā). 13 Until the beginning
of Sasanian rule in the year 224 Hatra was able to preserve this degree
of autonomy and also functioned as a buffer state between the Roman
and the Arsacid empires. Both in 117 and 198/99 Roman soldiers failed at
3 In general on Hatra see Drijvers 1977: 803–37; Hauser 1998: 493–528; Sommer 2003a: 44–6 and
2003b: 384–98.
4 Cass. Dio lxviii.31.1. 5 Sommer 2003a: 47–80.
6 Correctly, Sommer 2003a: 44–6 rejects Young 2001: 192–3.
7 Strabo xvi.1.27; see also Stein 1941: 299–316.
8 Cass. Dio lxviii.31 (Trajan); Herod. iii.9 and Cass. Dio lxxvi.12.2 (Septimius Severus); on the
two campaigns see Debevoise 1938: 213–39 and 256–62; Birley 1999: 129–45; Rubin 1975: 419–41;
Campbell 1986: 51–8; on the fortification of Hatra see al-Salihi 1991: 187–94 and Gawlikowski 1994:
47–56.
9 For bibliographic references see Hauser 1998: 493–528; Sommer 2003a and b; Kaizer 2000: 229–52;
Dijkstra 1990: 81–98.
10 For an overview see Wiesehöfer 2001: 144–9 and 281–2 with further references.
11 Wiesehöfer 2001: 144–5 on Plin. HN vi.112; Metzler 1991: 22 (now Wagner 2000: 51); on the
relationship between local functionaries and the Arsacid lords see also Schuol 2000.
12 Wiesehöfer 1982: 440; Winter 1988: 34; Hauser 1998: 515–16.
13 On the controversial chronology and the titles of the rulers of Hatra see Maricq 1955: 273–88; Drijvers
1977: 820–7 and Hauser 1998: 499–503.