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Beate Dignas & Engelbert Winter - Kaveh Farrokh

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202 6 Shared interests: Continuing conflicts<br />

The foedus of 298 also forced Narsē to acknowledge the Roman protectorate<br />

of Ibēria (17), an area south of the central Caucasus and north of<br />

Armenia through which the upper and middle Kyros was flowing. Diocletian<br />

intended to expand the Roman sphere of influence to the north-east<br />

in order to create new routes for the Eastern trade which would circumvent<br />

Sasanian territory in the north. The emperor’s ambition to regain<br />

power over Ibēria was closely linked to the role of this area as a transit area.<br />

Repeatedly the Romans had become painfully aware that the most important<br />

overland trade routes in the East of the ancient world, by which the<br />

sought after luxury goods from the Far East reached the large Roman centres<br />

along the eastern coast of the Mediterranean, went through Sasanian<br />

territory. The Persian supremacy by sea, in particular in the Persian Gulf,<br />

which was the starting point for the lucrative trade with India, 146 must have<br />

further strengthened the key role the Sasanians played with regard to the<br />

Roman eastern trade. The Romans therefore tried to establish firm bases<br />

along the Black Sea and in the Caucasus in order to create new land routes<br />

for an extended eastern trade, primarily with China. 147 To some extent their<br />

attempts to maintain diplomatic relations with Armenia and the Caucasus<br />

had to do with the hope that the peoples in this region would help them<br />

to obtain important luxury goods, above all silk and silk products. The<br />

significance of the areas in the Caucasus and around the Caspian Sea with<br />

regard to trade has been suggested as a motive for the expansion of a Roman<br />

Eastern policy during the Parthian period 148 and has been acknowledged<br />

for some time as a cause for confrontations between Byzantium and the<br />

Sasanian Empire during the fifth and sixth centuries. 149 This significance<br />

very much also applies to the situation at the end of the third century.<br />

Until the treaty of 363 (18) when ˇ Sāpūr II (309–79) made the emperor<br />

Jovian (363–4) revise the central aspects of the foedus of 298 (17) the agreements<br />

of this treaty continued to be legally valid. Ammianus Marcellinus<br />

states, however, that during the reign of Constantius II an annual market<br />

existed in Batnai where Indian and goods from Seran were offered and<br />

the author also praises the magnificent goods of the city of Kallinikos. 150<br />

146 On the Sasanian contacts with India, specifically by sea via the Persian Gulf see also Wiesehöfer<br />

1998a: 19–20 and Daryaee 2003: 1–6.<br />

147 On possible trade routes to China which went through the Caucasus and bypassed Sasanian territory<br />

in the north see Herrmann 1966: 18–19 and 26–7; cf. also Thorley 1969: 215 and Wissemann 1984:<br />

166–73; on the Sasanian attempts to stop trade along the northern route of the Silk Road see Haussig<br />

1983: 161–82.<br />

148 Wissemann 1984: 166–73.<br />

149 Pigulevskaja 1969: 155–8; Harmatta 2000: 249–52.<br />

150 Amm. xiv.3.3 and xxiii.3.7; cf. also Kirsten 1959: 558 and Synelli 1986: 89; on Batnai as a centre of<br />

trade see Kissel 1998: 171–2 and De Ligt 1993: 74.

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