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Beate Dignas & Engelbert Winter - Kaveh Farrokh

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35 Diplomacy and espionage 249<br />

lead an army against the Romans; 19 he did not send Goths, however, in order that<br />

they would not immediately be recognisable and spoil the plans, but two Ligurian<br />

priests, who had been bribed to get involved in this deed. (2) The one, who seemed<br />

to be of higher integrity, went on this embassy giving himself the appearance and<br />

name of a bishop (although entitled to neither), the other followed him as his<br />

servant. (3) On their journey they moved through Thracian territory where they<br />

recruited an interpreter of the Syriac and Greek language and then entered Persian<br />

territory without having been noticed by the Romans. For as this happened during<br />

a time of peace 20 these were not guarding the area meticulously.<br />

Procopius, De Bello Gothico iv.15.1–2 and 19–20 21<br />

(1) In Byzantium Xusrō (I)’s envoy Isdigusnas 22 met with the emperor Justinian<br />

in order to talk about the peace and spent a considerable period of time there. (2)<br />

After much dispute they finally agreed that there should be a five-year-truce within<br />

the hegemony of each ruler but that there should be frequent embassies between<br />

both sides, with the envoys going back and forth safely during this period in order<br />

to settle the disagreements regarding Lazika 23 and the Saracens 24 ...<br />

(19) Isdigusnas, however, appropriated more revenues than any envoy before<br />

him and returned, as I believe, as the wealthiest Persian to his home country.<br />

For the emperor Justinian had placed the highest honours upon him and gave<br />

him large monetary gifts before he dismissed him. (20) He was the only envoy<br />

who was never supervised; he and the barbarians with him (and there were a<br />

large number of them) rather enjoyed great freedom. During the entire period<br />

they were allowed to meet and converse with whom they liked, to move around<br />

anywhere in the city, acquire and sell whatever they wanted, conduct all business<br />

and do so with utmost freedom, just like they would in their own city; no Roman<br />

followed or accompanied them or dared to observe them, as was normally the<br />

case.<br />

Procopius confirms that when Yazdgushnasp stayed in Byzantium he<br />

enjoyed much freedom and his movements in the capital were not monitored<br />

at all. However, the passage also suggests that contemporary observers<br />

were aware of the dangers that such privileges for foreign diplomats could<br />

19 On the political background to this embassy see 13.<br />

20 The first Sasanian–Byzantine war of the sixth century (12) had been ended in 532 by the so-called<br />

‘eternal peace’ (Proc. BP i.22.3).<br />

21 On iv.15.19–20 see Tinnefeld 1993: 207–8.<br />

22 Elsewhere (Menander Protector, frg. 11 [see 20]) this man is called Yazdgushnasp; see above.<br />

23 Proc. BP ii.28.6–11 states that in the year 545 Xusrō I did not want a peace but merely a truce and<br />

that he, moreover, explicitly refused to return Lazika; the hostilities that arose before the end of the<br />

agreed truce actually focused on this Black Sea region.<br />

24 As a rule, the Lahmids and Ghassanids (25) were excluded from the peace negotiations of this period<br />

so that the vassal states were able to continue their military confrontations, which also happened<br />

after the truce of 545; cf. Proc. BP ii.28.12–14; the foedus of 562 (20) was the first one to address also<br />

the situation of the Arabs.

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