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Seattle University Collaborative Projects - International Academy of ...

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S<strong>of</strong>ia T. Sepanyan, <strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong> California at Los Angeles (s<strong>of</strong>ia.stepanyan@yahoo.com)Much <strong>of</strong> the research on juvenile competency to stand trial (CST) has focused on age andintellectual functioning as consistent predictors <strong>of</strong> competency status. Clinical correlates <strong>of</strong> CSTstatus, such as psychopathology, diagnostic severity and presence <strong>of</strong> co-occurring disorders areless understood in young <strong>of</strong>fenders. Only a limited number <strong>of</strong> studies have focused onpsychiatric disorders (Grisso, 2005) and diagnostic severity (Cowden and McKee, 1995; Vijoen,Roesch, & Zapf) as predictors <strong>of</strong> juvenile CST status. The current study aimed to investigate theextent to which diagnostic severity and psychiatric comorbidity predict CST status in a sample <strong>of</strong>324 juvenile participants in the Los Angeles County Juvenile Mental Health Court. Preliminaryanalyses identified that age, intellectual functioning, mental retardation, pervasive developmentaldisorders, mood disorders, substance use disorders and psychotic disorders are significantcorrelates <strong>of</strong> CST status in young <strong>of</strong>fenders. Given that delinquent populations are at higher riskfor displaying mental and developmental disabilities, improved understanding <strong>of</strong> therelationships between CST status and mental health conditions is critical and may provideguidance on determining the types <strong>of</strong> services and rehabilitation programming young <strong>of</strong>fendersmay need to proceed with their legal cases.92. Law and Emotions IEmotions in Lower Court Hearings: Some Sociological ReflectionsStina Bergman Blix, Stockholm <strong>University</strong> (stina.bergmanblix@sociology.su.se)Submission to the law requires a widely shared trust in the function <strong>of</strong> the judicial system touphold rational and impartial justice, supposedly presuming non-emotionality. This ideal ischallenged by research indicating that emotions are embedded in most everyday interactions <strong>of</strong>bureaucratic and rational organizations. In fact, the conflicts solved in court <strong>of</strong>ten stem withemotions. For the participant laymen, the plaintiff and the defendant, the reasons for being incourt have emotional antecedents as well as consequences. For the defence lawyers, prosecutors,and judges the efforts to manage their own emotions as well as the emotions <strong>of</strong> the involvedlaymen in a way conducive to the dramaturgy <strong>of</strong> the hearing are essential aspects <strong>of</strong> the legalproceedings. Granted, it may be a problem that the role <strong>of</strong> emotional processes in the production<strong>of</strong> justice is neither fully recognized nor sufficiently scrutinized. There is a need to know moreabout how this tacit pr<strong>of</strong>essional competence is acquired and applied. The purpose <strong>of</strong> this paperis therefore to study the learning and mastery <strong>of</strong> emotions and emotion management using theexample <strong>of</strong> the Swedish lower courts. The focus is on the components comprising a process <strong>of</strong>pr<strong>of</strong>essionalization regarding emotion work in terms <strong>of</strong> how they are patterned, emphasized, andevolve over time. Put in more applied terms: which are the feeling and display rules inherent toeach <strong>of</strong> the role performances involved? How are they learned and sustained individually and asa collective achievement in courtroom interaction?225

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