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Seattle University Collaborative Projects - International Academy of ...

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Neal Feigenson, Quinnipiac <strong>University</strong> (neal.feigenson@quinnipiac.edu)Demonstrative evidence is typically <strong>of</strong>fered to represent external reality, but in a handful <strong>of</strong> caseslitigants have presented visual or auditory exhibits that purport to enable judges and jurors toexperience for themselves what it’s like to have the litigants’ subjective perceptions (such asimpaired vision due to accident or malpractice). These simulations may be derived fromlitigants’ self-reports, clinical testing, or physical measurement <strong>of</strong> their sensory apparatus. Eachtype <strong>of</strong> simulation makes a different sort <strong>of</strong> claim to provide reliable knowledge about thelitigant’s subjective experience. Yet almost all have been readily admitted as mere visual aidsrather than substantive evidence, based on litigants’ testimony that they fairly and accuratelyrepresent what the litigant sees or hears. This paper describes the various types <strong>of</strong> simulations,analyzes their epistemological bases, and argues that applying the same minimal evidentiarystandard to all, regardless <strong>of</strong> their provenance, tends to discourage careful inquiry into theirvastly differing probative values and judgmental risks.People Often See What They Want in Visual Evidence – and in “Nonvisual”Evidence, TooDan Kahan, Yale <strong>University</strong> (dan.kahan@yale.edu)I will review experimental evidence <strong>of</strong> how cultural cognition – the tendency <strong>of</strong> individuals toconform perceptions <strong>of</strong> risk and other legally relevant facts to group commitments – bears on thereliability <strong>of</strong> “visual evidence,” particularly videotaped encounters between police andpedestrians. This dynamic, the evidence suggests, can certainly distort what jurors <strong>of</strong> opposingcultural outlooks see when they observe videotape evidence <strong>of</strong> such encounters. But it can alsodistort what others – including judges and members <strong>of</strong> the public – expect jurors to see, andaccordingly distort (in the case <strong>of</strong> judges, in particular) the decisions about whether jurydeliberations are even necessary in particular cases and (particularly in the case <strong>of</strong> the public)their evaluations <strong>of</strong> whether jury verdicts that rest on jury assessments <strong>of</strong> visual evidence arecorrect and legitimate. These things are all true for visual evidence, I will suggest. But they arenot really any less true <strong>of</strong> any other form <strong>of</strong> evidence that relates to facts that are suffused withsocial meanings that tend to divide citizens <strong>of</strong> diverse outlooks.The Hidden Consequences <strong>of</strong> Racial Salience in Videotaped Interrogations andConfessionsJennifer Ratcliff, State <strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong> New York at Brockport (jratclif@brockport.edu)G. Daniel Lassiter, Ohio <strong>University</strong> (lassiter@ohio.edu)419

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