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Theological Origins of Modernity

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134 chapter five<br />

the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit (embodied in the church) were all<br />

thought to be directed by divine reason (ratio) that was the supreme moment<br />

<strong>of</strong> divine being. Th e human will was coordinated with the divine will<br />

when it was dominated by reason and sinned when it was not. Hence, the<br />

principal goal <strong>of</strong> a Christian was to overcome the irrational self-will that<br />

led to sin and adopt the universal reason <strong>of</strong> God embodied in his creation,<br />

his word, and his church as the basis for the direction <strong>of</strong> one’s life.<br />

For all <strong>of</strong> its obvious advantages, this scholastic view <strong>of</strong> the supremacy<br />

<strong>of</strong> reason seemed to many to call into question God’s divinity, since it subordinated<br />

divine power to reason. As we saw in chapter 1, this Aristotelian<br />

scholasticism was condemned in 1277 and attacked by Scotus, Ockham,<br />

and the nominalists in the years thereaft er. Th ey all rejected the supremacy<br />

<strong>of</strong> reason in God (and man) in favor <strong>of</strong> will. God could only be God<br />

if he were truly omnipotent. Th e essence <strong>of</strong> omnipotence in their view,<br />

however, was an absolute freedom that was indiff erent to its object. God<br />

wills what he wills and wills it only because he wills it. While this position<br />

saved and affi rmed God’s divinity, it also opened up another problem, for<br />

if reason was not preeminent in God or in the world, it was not clear how<br />

the divine and human wills, both in the Trinity and in the world, could<br />

be coordinated with one another. In this way, the nominalist revolution<br />

brought Christians face to face with the central question that had plagued<br />

Christianity from the beginning, and revealed and empowered the Arian,<br />

Manichean, and Pelagian alternatives that the Christianity <strong>of</strong> late antiquity<br />

(<strong>of</strong>t en with the help <strong>of</strong> imperial power) had suppressed.<br />

Christian humanists and Reformation theologians had to face these<br />

questions. In struggling with them, they developed radically diff erent<br />

answers on roughly the same ontological and logical grounds. Th eir disagreements<br />

on this point were not the result <strong>of</strong> a disagreement about being<br />

itself or about the relationship <strong>of</strong> words and things, but about the priority<br />

<strong>of</strong> one realm <strong>of</strong> beings to another. As we noted in chapter 3, their disagreements<br />

were thus not ontological but ontic. In order to begin to understand<br />

why this was the case and how these diff erences came to play such a decisive<br />

role, we will examine the debate between Luther and Erasmus on the<br />

freedom or bondage <strong>of</strong> the will.<br />

Erasmus was the greatest <strong>of</strong> the humanists aft er Petrarch, and the culmination<br />

<strong>of</strong> the humanist movement. Luther set the Reformation in motion<br />

and his theology remained its driving force for a century and a half.<br />

Th ey were also both clearly aware <strong>of</strong> their preeminence. Moreover, these<br />

two were so similar in so many ways that their disagreement turned on real<br />

diff erences, not on trivial or insubstantial points: diff erences so pr<strong>of</strong>ound

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