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Theological Origins of Modernity

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notes to pages 250–256 353<br />

150. It also props up his notion <strong>of</strong> the sovereign. On the political implications <strong>of</strong> this<br />

reading <strong>of</strong> the trinity see Joshua Mitchell’s thoughtful “Luther and Hobbes,”<br />

676–700.<br />

151. Martinich, Hobbes, 327. One might believe that this alteration reveals that Hobbes<br />

was ultimately not wedded to any doctrine, but it is important to remember than<br />

the Latin Leviathan was published in 1668, well aft er the restoration <strong>of</strong> political<br />

and religious authority in England. While Hobbes was willing to argue about controversial<br />

issues in 1651 when there was no established authority, he could not do<br />

so in 1668 because by his own argument he was required to submit to established<br />

authority. For this reason the 1668 edition is also less trustworthy as a source <strong>of</strong><br />

his true opinions.<br />

152. Timothy Fuller, “Hobbes on Christianity in a Skeptical Individualist World,”<br />

paper delivered at the American Political Science Association Annual Meeting,<br />

Atlanta, September 1999, 20.<br />

153. Strauss claims nature for Hobbes is disorder, but Hobbes himself is more on the<br />

side <strong>of</strong> design. K. C. Brown, “Hobbes’ Grounds for Belief in a Deity,” in Th omas<br />

Hobbes: Critical Assessments, 4:46. Damrosch points out that in the Leviathan<br />

Hobbes emphasizes the unbroken coherence <strong>of</strong> the causal chain rather than its<br />

origin in God. “Hobbes as Reformation Th eologian,” 339. But, as Brown suggests,<br />

Hobbes’ argument for a fi rst mover slides over into an argument for design since<br />

the mere motion <strong>of</strong> world cannot create its own matter. “Hobbes’ Grounds,” 4:44.<br />

Joshua Mitchell has made what is perhaps the strongest argument for the importance<br />

<strong>of</strong> God’s guidance <strong>of</strong> history for Hobbes. Not by Reason Alone: Religion,<br />

History, and Identity in Early Modern Political Th ought (Chicago: Th e University<br />

<strong>of</strong> Chicago Press, 1993), 46–72.<br />

154. Fuller, “Hobbes on Christianity,” 13.<br />

155. Springborg, “Leviathan,” 138.<br />

156. Th is was the position <strong>of</strong> Beza and William Perkins. Martinich, Two Gods, 274.<br />

157. EW 3:335. See also Martinich, Two Gods, 101. In the debate with Bramhall he asserts<br />

that the man predestined for election will examine his life to see if the path<br />

he follows is godly, while those who “reason erroneously, saying with themselves,<br />

if I shall be saved, I shall be saved whether I walk uprightly or no: and consequently<br />

there unto, shall behave themselves negligently, and pursue the pleasant way <strong>of</strong><br />

the sins they are in love with,” shall be damned, but good and bad action in this<br />

account are the consequence and not the source <strong>of</strong> salvation and damnation. EW<br />

4:232. See also Reik, Golden Lands, 128.<br />

158. In this respect the comparison to Lucretius is merited.<br />

159. Martinich, Two Gods, 337, 345.<br />

chapter eight<br />

1. Th e plight <strong>of</strong> the large Tory population who fl ed to Canada and England went<br />

largely unnoticed in the popular imagination <strong>of</strong> European intellectuals.

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