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Theological Origins of Modernity

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the contradictions <strong>of</strong> premodernity 143<br />

essential to human responsibility, but asserted that it could not be eff ective<br />

without grace. While he believed that grace was necessary to salvation, he<br />

was also clear that once the bonds <strong>of</strong> sin were removed, the individual will<br />

had to will the good in order to merit salvation.<br />

Scholasticism revived and formalized this Augustinian notion <strong>of</strong> the<br />

will and as a result was forced to confront the question that Augustine<br />

had papered over, that is, how human will could be free in a world ruled<br />

by an omnipotent and omniscient God. Th is proved diffi cult. Anselm, for<br />

example, denied that divine foreknowledge and predestination deprived<br />

humans <strong>of</strong> free will, while simultaneously asserting that events do happen<br />

by necessity. Bernard <strong>of</strong> Clairvaux denied that human will and divine will<br />

could each be a partial cause, asserting instead that each had its proper<br />

sphere; but what the natures <strong>of</strong> these spheres were and how they related<br />

to one another remained obscure. Bonaventure too thought that the will<br />

remained free even in the face <strong>of</strong> divine preordination because no external<br />

force limited it, but this did not answer the question <strong>of</strong> the necessitating internal<br />

sources <strong>of</strong> the will, and he thus solved the problem only by defi ning<br />

it out <strong>of</strong> existence. Aquinas, by contrast, sought to harmonize divine and<br />

human will by imagining they were both subordinate to reason. However,<br />

as we have seen, this rationalist solution opened up the question <strong>of</strong> God’s<br />

absolute power and thus his divinity.<br />

It was this claim that was so unacceptable to Scotus, Ockham and their<br />

followers, for they saw it as a denial <strong>of</strong> God’s power and divinity. Already<br />

in 1277 Henry <strong>of</strong> Ghent condemned any suggestion that the intellect determined<br />

the will. Scotus similarly reasserted the primacy <strong>of</strong> will in both<br />

God and man and the impossibility <strong>of</strong> subordinating God’s will to reason.<br />

However, he did not explain how in this light the human and divine wills<br />

could be compatible with one another. And as we have seen, the nominalists<br />

themselves were divided on this crucial point.<br />

Within the nominalist movement, there were clearly those who put<br />

greater emphasis on divine omnipotence and preordination and those who<br />

left greater space for human initiative. Th at said, it is <strong>of</strong>t en diffi cult to determine<br />

where diff erent thinkers stood on this issue. Th e one thing that does<br />

seem relatively clear is that Biel moved considerably closer to Pelagianism<br />

than his predecessors. He argued, for example, that fallen reason and will<br />

were suffi cient for humans to begin their journey to God. 34 Grace was thus<br />

not strictly necessary since God would save all those who did everything<br />

that they could to lead a Christian life. Luther’s Augustinian teacher Usingen<br />

was a member <strong>of</strong> the Biel school. It was this semi-Pelagianism, practically<br />

embodied in the Facientibus principle, that shaped and tormented

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