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Theological Origins of Modernity

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284 chapter eight<br />

tics <strong>of</strong> human liberation had proved to be the means to human enslavement<br />

and degradation. Th e horror evoked by these cataclysmic events was<br />

so overwhelming that it called into question not merely the idea <strong>of</strong> progress<br />

and enlightenment but also the idea <strong>of</strong> modernity and the conception<br />

<strong>of</strong> Western civilization itself.<br />

At the heart <strong>of</strong> the matter were the unresolved contradictions that had<br />

bedeviled modern thought from the beginning. Th e modern idea <strong>of</strong> history<br />

was an attempt to reconcile freedom and necessity, but as Kant had<br />

shown such a reconciliation was impossible. Freedom is understood to be<br />

the goal <strong>of</strong> history, but history itself is imagined to be a necessary process.<br />

To put matters in the terms <strong>of</strong> our earlier argument, history is imagined in<br />

a Pelagian fashion to be the product <strong>of</strong> free human willing but at the same<br />

time the unfolding <strong>of</strong> history is imagined to be guided by an “invisible<br />

hand,” or by “the cunning <strong>of</strong> reason,” or by “dialectical necessity.” Th e fact<br />

that this motion is imagined to be necessary or preordained is an indication<br />

<strong>of</strong> the concealed theological assumptions that underlie such a view <strong>of</strong><br />

change. Th is view, as we have seen, contradicts the notion that humans act<br />

freely. Th is contradiction, however, is not obvious and in practice is not<br />

troubling when things seem to be moving in a positive direction. Th us as<br />

long as history was identifi ed as “manifest destiny,” or the “spread <strong>of</strong> civilization,”<br />

or “procession <strong>of</strong> God through the world” (as Hegel put it), it was<br />

not particularly troubling.<br />

Th e series <strong>of</strong> catastrophes that befell humanity in the twentieth century<br />

called this positive or progressive notion <strong>of</strong> history into question. From<br />

this perspective, the hidden hand looked more like the hand <strong>of</strong> Satan than<br />

<strong>of</strong> God, the cunning <strong>of</strong> reason more like the diabolic shrewdness <strong>of</strong> an<br />

evil deceiver than the will <strong>of</strong> a benefi cent deity, and dialectical necessity<br />

more like the iron chains <strong>of</strong> tyranny than a path to freedom. In short, the<br />

dominant Pelagian view <strong>of</strong> history as the product <strong>of</strong> free human willing<br />

gave way in the midst <strong>of</strong> these troubling times to a more Manichean vision<br />

<strong>of</strong> historical change that saw individuals as mere cogs in a machine or moments<br />

<strong>of</strong> an inhuman causal process.<br />

Such a view <strong>of</strong> history was not new. Counter-Enlightenment thinkers<br />

such as Rousseau had already argued in the eighteenth century that the development<br />

<strong>of</strong> the arts and sciences had not only not improved humans but<br />

had actually made them worse, depriving them <strong>of</strong> a happy natural existence<br />

and replacing it with a miserably alienated and confl ict-ridden life in<br />

modern society. Elements <strong>of</strong> this counter-Enlightenment vision <strong>of</strong> history<br />

persisted in the thought <strong>of</strong> thinkers such as Tocqueville, who saw the dark<br />

underside <strong>of</strong> what they recognized as human progress. More decisively,

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