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Theological Origins of Modernity

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the contradictions <strong>of</strong> enlightenment 283<br />

away from the liberal cause to Romantic nationalism (and in the twentieth<br />

century to Fascism and Nazism). His more radical followers, by contrast,<br />

were pulled toward populism or nihilism (Cherneshevsky, Pisarev), anarchism<br />

(Bakunin), and revolutionary socialism or communism (Marx,<br />

Engels). Almost all <strong>of</strong> these more radical Hegelians rejected Hegel’s notion<br />

that rational freedom required a reconciliation with nature and an<br />

acceptance <strong>of</strong> existing social, economic, and political institutions, arguing<br />

that history was a teleological process that could end only with the<br />

realization <strong>of</strong> absolute freedom for all <strong>of</strong> humanity. Indeed, they believed<br />

that they could scientifi cally demonstrate that such a goal was inevitable.<br />

As a result, they were convinced that the pursuit <strong>of</strong> such a liberation was a<br />

moral imperative and that those like Hegel who argued for a more limited<br />

notion <strong>of</strong> freedom were merely quietists or bourgeois ideologists seeking<br />

to maintain the status quo. Th ey thus turned to a more a more radical view<br />

<strong>of</strong> freedom that envisaged the ultimate liberation <strong>of</strong> all human beings. In<br />

place <strong>of</strong> the existing order they imagined a world in which everyone would<br />

be able to do whatever they wished, to “hunt in the morning, fi sh in the<br />

aft ernoon, and be a critical critic in the evening.” However, such universal<br />

freedom and prosperity could only be achieved if nature were completely<br />

mastered. To achieve this goal, they believed it would thus be necessary to<br />

free human productive forces by means <strong>of</strong> a revolutionary overthrow <strong>of</strong><br />

the existing social and political order. In this way the artifi cial constraints<br />

on the productive power <strong>of</strong> technology would be removed, a superabundance<br />

created, and all want eliminated. Radical Hegelians thus abandoned<br />

Hegel’s notion that humanity had already attained its historical goal,<br />

which in their minds was near but which could only be attained through<br />

one last apocalyptic act <strong>of</strong> violence. In this way, these radicals returned to<br />

the millennarian politics that Hegel had sought to constrain. In doing so,<br />

however, they also returned to the same Enlightenment optimism about<br />

human progress that had characterized earlier historical thinking and that<br />

had played such an important role in the extremism <strong>of</strong> the Revolution.<br />

Th e view <strong>of</strong> history as progress was severely shaken by the cataclysmic<br />

events <strong>of</strong> the fi rst half <strong>of</strong> the twentieth century, the World Wars, the<br />

Great Depression, the rise <strong>of</strong> totalitarianism, and the Holocaust. What<br />

had gone wrong? <strong>Modernity</strong>, which had seemed on the verge <strong>of</strong> providing<br />

universal security, liberating human beings from all forms <strong>of</strong> oppression,<br />

and producing an unprecedented human thriving, had in fact ended in<br />

a barbarism almost unknown in previous human experience. Th e tools<br />

that had been universally regarded as the source <strong>of</strong> human fl ourishing had<br />

been the source <strong>of</strong> unparalleled human destruction. And fi nally, the poli-

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