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Theological Origins of Modernity

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notes to pages 144–148 327<br />

35. Philip Watain, Let God be God! An Interpretation <strong>of</strong> the Th eology <strong>of</strong> Martin Luther<br />

(Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1947), 34–35; McSorley, Luther: Right or Wrong, 218,<br />

222, 224–26. McSorley sees the fi rst evidence <strong>of</strong> a break with the Biel school in<br />

Luther’s marginalia <strong>of</strong> 1515 to Biel’s Collectorium. In the same year, he denounced<br />

the Facientibus principle.<br />

36. Lectures on Romans, 1515–16, WA 56:382.21–383.19; LW 25:373.<br />

37. Erasmus, Collected Works, 76:305.<br />

38. Ibid., 76:306.<br />

39. Ibid., Collected Works, 76:306 Th e German version is more circumspect. Luther<br />

concludes: “I wish that little word ‘free will’ had never been invented. It is not<br />

found in Scripture and should more aptly be called ‘self-will.’” WA 7:448.25/449.24.<br />

B. A. Gerrish, “De Libero Arbitrio (1524): Erasmus on Piety, Th eology, and Lutheran<br />

Dogma,” in Essays on the Works <strong>of</strong> Erasmus (New Haven: Yale University<br />

Press, 1978), 187.<br />

40. McSorley, Luther: Right or Wrong, 255.<br />

41. Ibid., 254.<br />

42. Ibid., 259.<br />

43. Erasmus, Collected Works, 76:307.<br />

44. Cicero deals with these topics in several works, including On Fate, Stoic Paradoxes,<br />

and On the Nature <strong>of</strong> the Gods. Neither Erasmus nor Luther knew anything<br />

about Pyrrhonian skepticism.<br />

45. Boyle has made the most comprehensive argument for viewing the debate between<br />

Luther and Erasmus against the background <strong>of</strong> this ancient debate in her<br />

Rhetoric and Reform, and the argument that follows is indebted to her work. Th at<br />

said, I push the argument further than she is willing to go and use the ancient<br />

sources to read not merely the rhetorical structures in the works but the argument<br />

carried on between the lines <strong>of</strong> the text.<br />

46. Manfred H<strong>of</strong>f mann, “Erasmus im Streit mit Luther,” in Humanismus und Reformation:<br />

Martin Luther und Erasmus von Rotterdam in den Konfl ikten ihres Zeit,<br />

ed. Otto Hermann Pesch (Munich: Schnell und Steiner, 1985), 107.<br />

47. Boyle has argued that the Diatribe was an attempt to disrupt the entire judicial<br />

process against Luther, by ushering it out <strong>of</strong> the civil and ecclesiastical courts and<br />

into the senate <strong>of</strong> learned men. Rhetoric and Reform, 33–36.<br />

48. Boyle claims that the real goal <strong>of</strong> the Diatribe is to instruct Luther and that the<br />

question <strong>of</strong> free will is only a red herring (ibid., 5). However, there is no reason<br />

the Diatribe could not both seek to instruct Luther and be a real consideration <strong>of</strong><br />

free will. Boyle asserts that Erasmus was convinced free will was not that important<br />

an issue (29). Considering the fact that he sets the debate with Luther against<br />

the background <strong>of</strong> the important ancient debate on this question, this contention<br />

seems implausible.<br />

49. While he thought Luther <strong>of</strong>t en acted too vehemently, Erasmus expressly states<br />

that he does not believe Luther’s doctrine is heretical. Adversus calumniosisssimam<br />

epistolam Martini Lutheri (1534), in Desiderii Erasmi Roterodami Opera<br />

Omnia, ed. Jean LeClerc, 10 vols. (Leiden, 1703–6), 10:1537D.

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